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Item 1121 წელს საქართველოში შემოჭრილი მუსლიმთა კოალიციური ლაშქრის მიზანი და მარშრუტი(2018) ბახტაძე, მიხეილOn 12 August, 1121, the coalition army headed by Najm ad-Din Ilghazi ibn Artuq suffered defeat from the Georgian troops under the command of King David IV Aghmashenebeli. Various questions arising in connection with the battle are still a subject of study. This time, I would like to focus on two issues: what was the goal of the coalition army and what was its route? The first question seems to be easy to answer: the goal was to defeat the Georgians. But we are interested what type of “defeat” was intended to be inflicted on the enemy? Was the objective of the invaders to defeat the king in a pitched-battle, to kill him or to occupy a certain part of Georgia? Could the enemy have some other intentions? I agree with S. Margishvili’s assumption that Ilghazi’s goal was the capture of Tbilisi, and he intended to secure Dmanisi and Ganja. To achieve the goal, the Muslims had to capture Georgian fortresses in the region, and they had to reduce Georgian military power. Since very little information is available and the existing accounts are contradictory, it is difficult to define the route taken by the enemy. To solve the problem, several issues must be clarified. Did the regiments of the coalition army enter Georgia separately and unite later on, e.g. in Trialeti? I think that the Muslim coalition army entered Trialeti as one army. I can assume that Ilghazi moved from Kars in the direction of Ani. The most appropriate site for unification of the troops approaching from Ani and Ganja was Kvemo Kartli. The troops from Ani and Dvin probably united prior to entering to Georgia and were joined by military forces from Ganja. The coalition army had to be united somewhere near Dmanisi. If the Muslim coalition army united in Kvemo Kartli, why did it arrive in “Trialeti, Manglisi and Didgori”? One can assume that as soon as the enemy appeared at the south border of Georgia, spies provided King David with information about the troop movement. David realized that Ilghazi’s intentions were to approach the surroundings of Tbilisi. The Georgian king made changes to his initial plan and tried to lure the enemy into a battle site, which would be unfavourable for the invaders, giving them no way to use their numerical superiority over the Georgian army. In my opinion, the first battle with the coalition army took place in the environs of Dmanisi. The enemy was tricked into thinking that it defeated the Georgians and was then lured in the direction of Trialeti. As to the Georgian army, I assume that it arrived in the environs of Manglisi-Didgori via the Nichbistskali and Kavturi gorges, and probably Tedzami as well.Item 1210 წელს სპარსეთზე გალაშქრებაში მთიულთა მონაწილეობის ასახვა ქართულ ფოლკლორში(2019) ჯავახიშვილი, ნიკოThere is a number of folklore texts preserved in Georgian peoples’ poetry, which tell about the important historical military-political events. Some of these texts are unique as there are few or no other sources preserved describing these types of events. On the festival of “Lomisoba”, which is celebrated annually in Lomisi’s St. Giorgi Church (8th-9th centuries) situated in one of Georgia’s historygeographic regions called Mtiuleti, an ancient military song “Perkhisa” is sung. There were many versions of the song’s texts published in Georgia over different years. One of them was published by us in 1989. Various versions of the above song’s texts are presented and analyzed in this article. In all of them, participation of Georgian highlanders – Mtiulis – is reflected in Georgians’ military invasion of Khorasan (proved by Georgian historical sources). In Georgian historiography it is proved that Georgian army conquered the following towns: Marandi, Tabriz, Miana, Zenjan, Kazvin etc. and reached Khorasan (Persia) in 1210. The army came back to Georgia with large booty. The above invasion took place not only for booty and demonstration of power, but its main goal was fighting with and defeating of the Shah of Khorezm – Muhamad.Item 1765 წლის შეთქმულების მონაწილეთა იდენტიფიკაციისათვის(მერიდიანი, 2013) ჯავახიშვილი, ნიკოConspiracy (1765) of Prince Paata Bagrationi (1720-1765), son of Vakhtang VI, king of Kartli (central part of Georgia), is one of less known events of the second half of the 18th century. According to the observation of historical sources, it is ascertained in the presented work that the number of participants of the conspiracy, in fact, is higher than it had been previously known. After the failure of the conspiracy, many perpetrators from the nobilty were severely punished, part of them were executed, part of them – mutilated, others lost their titles and lands and were exiled to South-West part of Kakheti (Eastern part of Georgia) – Gare Kakheti, nowadays Sagarejo district.Item 1832 წლის შეთქმულებითი მოძრაობა (და არა – შეთქმულება)(მერიდიანი, 2013) შველიძე, დიმიტრიConspiracy of the Georgian patriots against Russia was not a conspiracy in typical sence, as all the active classes were involved into. Structurally, conspirators formed network of different circles, led by main body of conspiracy. They needed global rebellion which is attested by different type of sources. That is why this event needs other definition that created by the Russians – conspiracy. Maybe, patriotic movement will be proper nominal.Item 1872 წლის დებულებები ამიერკავკასიის მუსლიმი სასულიერო წოდების მართვის შესახებ(2022-04-27) გელოვანი/ Gelovani, ნანი/ NaniOn April 5, 1872, Emperor Alexander II (1855-1881) approved the provision for the establishment of Sunni and and Shi‘a Religious Boards in Transcaucasia – the Statute on the Administration of the Transcaucasian Sunni Muslim Clergy and Statute on the Administration of the Transcaucasian Shi‘a Muslim Clergy. The establishment of the Transcaucasian Shi‘a Religious Board was due to a large number of Muslim Shi‘as in the region, especially in the Islamic enclave of the region − North Azerbaijan. At the same time, the Tsarist government, which operated on the principle of “divide and rule,” sought to prevent the unity of Muslims in religious matters and to deepen the confrontation between the various denominations of Islam. The provisions concerning the governance of the Shi‘a and Sunni Muslim clergy in the Caucasus were virtually identical and consisted of 7 chapters and 115 articles. The Statutes of 1872 on the governance of the Shi‘a and Sunni clergy in the Caucasus determined the normative and legal status, obligations and rights of the Muslim clergy. On January 2, 1873, the Transcaucasian Shi‘a and Sunni Religious Boards officially opened in Tbilisi. They were under the control of Ministry of Internal Affairs and directly attached to the Viceroyalty. Their jurisdiction covered Muslims in the Baku, Elisavetpol (Ganja), Tiflis (Tbilisi) and Erivan (Erevan) gubernias. All other Transcaucasian territories and the North Caucasus that were not included in the universal Russian rule (military-communal administration) remained outside the jurisdiction of the Transcaucasian Muslim clergy. However, archival documents confirm that, on the basis of special instructions or with the permission of the Viceroy of the Caucasus, the Sunni Muslim clergy had the right to discuss the cases from areas not subject to the rule. According to the regulations, a candidate for a religious position had to be a Russian subject and had to have a certificate confirming the knowledge corresponding to a religious rank. Age restrictions were also introduced. Defendants wanted by the court, persons whose employment was terminated by the court and pauper debtors held under guardianship for embezzlement could not obtain the clerical rank. The applicants also had to have a certificate that they did not belong to any society or doctrine “inadmissible” by the government. Before a “cleric” could occupy any post he had to pledge “loyalty to His imperial Majesty and conscientious fulfillment of his obligations (texts of the oath had to be printed in Russian, equipped with a translation into Azerbaijani).” The Muslim clergy was to celebrate every holiday with prayers in the mosques, praying to the Lord for the health and longevity of the Emperor, as well as his wife, heir to the throne, and the entire royal family, according to existing rules. The regulations also established a three-tier system of governing the religious life of Muslims in the Caucasus, or “a unified government vertical from the village mullah to the Mufti.” Based on the archival materials, we have compiled a complete list (with biographies) of the Heads of the Muslim clergy of Transcaucasian Krai (Mufti and Sheikh-ul-Islam). The well-organised structure of the Religious Boards of Transcaucasian Muslims existed with minor changes until 1917.Item 1872 წლის დებულებები ამიერკავკასიის მუსლიმი სასულიერო წოდების მართვის შესახებ(2022-04-27) გელოვანი, ნანიOn April 5, 1872, Emperor Alexander II (1855-1881) approved the provision for the establishment of Sunni and and Shi‘a Religious Boards in Transcaucasia – the Statute on the Administration of the Transcaucasian Sunni Muslim Clergy and Statute on the Administration of the Transcaucasian Shi‘a Muslim Clergy. The establishment of the Transcaucasian Shi‘a Religious Board was due to a large number of Muslim Shi‘as in the region, especially in the Islamic enclave of the region − North Azerbaijan. At the same time, the Tsarist government, which operated on the principle of “divide and rule,” sought to prevent the unity of Muslims in religious matters and to deepen the confrontation between the various denominations of Islam. The provisions concerning the governance of the Shi‘a and Sunni Muslim clergy in the Caucasus were virtually identical and consisted of 7 chapters and 115 articles. The Statutes of 1872 on the governance of the Shi‘a and Sunni clergy in the Caucasus determined the normative and legal status, obligations and rights of the Muslim clergy. On January 2, 1873, the Transcaucasian Shi‘a and Sunni Religious Boards offi cially opened in Tbilisi. They were under the control of Ministry of Internal Aff airs and directly attached to the Viceroyalty. Their jurisdiction covered Muslims in the Baku, Elisavetpol (Ganja), Tifl is (Tbilisi) and Erivan (Erevan) gubernias. All other Transcaucasian territories and the North Caucasus that were not included in the universal Russian rule (military-communal administration) remained outside the jurisdiction of the Transcaucasian Muslim clergy. However, archival documents confi rm that, on the basis of special instructions or with the permission of the Viceroy of the Caucasus, the Sunni Muslim clergy had the right to discuss the cases from areas not subject to the rule. According to the regulations, a candidate for a religious position had to be a Russian subject and had to have a certifi cate confi rming the knowledge corresponding to a religious rank. Age restrictions were also introduced. Defendants wanted by the court, persons whose employment was terminated by the court and pauper debtors held under guardianship for embezzlement could not obtain the clerical rank. The applicants also had to have a certifi cate that they did not belong to any society or doctrine “inadmissible” by the government. Before a “cleric” could occupy any post he had to pledge “loyalty to His imperial Majesty and conscientious fulfi llment of his obligations (texts of the oath had to be printed in Russian, equipped with a translation into Azerbaijani).” The Muslim clergy was to celebrate every holiday with prayers in the mosques, praying to the Lord for the health and longevity of the Emperor, as well as his wife, heir to the throne, and the entire royal family, according to existing rules. The regulations also established a three-tier system of governing the religious life of Muslims in the Caucasus, or “a unifi ed government vertical from the village mullah to the Mufti.” Based on the archival materials, we have compiled a complete list (with biographies) of the Heads of the Muslim clergy of Transcaucasian Krai (Mufti and Sheikh-ul-Islam). The well-organised structure of the Religious Boards of Transcaucasian Muslims existed with minor changes until 1917.Item 1924 წლის აჯანყების კვლევის შეფასებისთვის (საკითხის დასმა)(2016) ნადირაძე, ქეთევანHistory of study of revolt 1924 and generally, of Democratic Republic of Georgia 1918-1921 can be divided into two stages: historiography of the Soviet and Post-Soviet periods. Emigrants’ literature related to history of the period, which became available in Georgia only after collapse of the Soviet Union, should be specially noted. The paper is focused on both periods of research related to the revolt 1924. Works of the Soviet period are far away from being called researches. Political assessments prevail. There are also some problems for Post-Soviet historiography, sometimes restricting itself only by re-assessment of former opinions. Thorough researches are to be carried on using all categories of the sources.Item 1936 წლის 18 ივლისის სახელმწიფო გადატრიალება და მისი ლეგიტიმაციის მცდელობა ფრანკოს რეჟიმის პირველ პერიოდში(უნივერსალი, 2019) გოგენია, ზაალ; Gogenia, ZaalThe legitimization of 18 July 1936 coup d’etat was one of the most important tasks of Francoist lawyers. They had to prove that the creation and existence of a Popular front government was illegal. They sought to justify the uprising as a legal act of “resistance” against tyrannical authorities on the basis of various political and juridical ideas; to argue that based on the principles of administrative and military law the basic duty of the army was guarding the nation “under the attack of the government”; within the categories of criminal law, to give the qualification of “legal defence” (extreme necessity) to the “military uprising”, which releases from the criminal responsibility. In 1938 Franco's minister of internal affairs Ramón Serrano Suñer, signed an order establishing a commission tasked with approving the illegitimacy of the current Spanish government on July 18, 1936. The 23 members of the commission had to substantiate with “credible evidence” the thesis that “the rebellion was not an act against the government or against the law.” The article discusses in detail the document which was elaborated by the Commission, so-called “Dictamen,” according to which not only Popular Front’s rise to power, but also the origins of the republic itself were illegal and the constitution was not a “fundamental statute of the country.” There were also listed “crimes” committed by the government. The “right of resistance” (ius resistendi) was one of the important argue for justifications of the coup. The activities of Sabino Alvarez Gendin (University of Oviedo) are distinguished in this direction. His arguments had a specific purpose – to justify the military uprising by legal and traditional principles, that is, the right of rebellion as a response on the oppress by tyrannical government, is a universal right and at the same time it is typical of the traditional nature of Spaniards. Based on various theories, Gendin argued that enslaved people have the legal right to rebel against the government, but there are three essential requirements: when all peaceful and legal measures are exhausted, when there is a high probability of success, and when the uprising is proportional measure. The first two requirements according of Gendin were clear, as for to the third, it was less proportional considering of results, but the victory of communism in Spain would have resulted in more terror than in the civil war. Thus, according to Gendin, the sacrifice was worth it. The statements of Ignacio de Lojendio (University of Seville) are also noteworthy in regard with the right of resistance. The difference between Gendin and Lojendio is in the source of inspiration. Lochendio’s views fit in the frames of philosophy of history, while the question of government’s legitimacy shifts to the background. The right to rebel according of him is not an ethical and moral obligation, but a natural act of necessity. Isaiah Sanchez Tejerina (University of Salamanca) is a prominent author in justifying the uprising in terms of “legal defence.” In his view, the national uprising was an example of collective execution of legal defence (though it is an individual act by its nature). According to him, the uprising was at the same time proportional and necessary measure. Another aspect of the justification of uprising was the issue of army’s duty. According to lawyer Jaime Masaveu, the army should protect the nation, because it is a “natural social essence”, while the state is a “political superfetation.” In the case of a dilemma, a soldier defends the “nation” even if it means going against the state. So this postulate goes back to the argument of the illegitimacy of the Republican government. In the field of international law the positions of Jose de Yanguas Messia and Pedro Cortina Mauri are interesting.Item 1990-იანი წლების პოლიტიკური პროცესები მხატვრულ კონტექსტში: ოლგა ტაქსიდუს პიესა „მედეა“ და ევრიპიდეს „მედეას“ თანამედროვე ინტერპრეტაციები(უნივერსიტეტის გამომცემლობა, 2019) ნადარეიშვილი, ქეთევანWhile discussing the relationship between literary discourse and political processes the study of the receptions of the classical heritage provides with a fruitful material. One of the most significant examples of such re- flection is Olga Taxidou’s play “Medea” (adaptation of Euripides’ tragedy) written in 1990s. The writer puts forward the complexities connected with the age-old East x West opposition, though gives to this theme the modern connota- tion. The interrelation of an empire and the “third world” and the condition of women as the most fragile part of the imperialistic strategy becomes the main discourse of the play. The conclusions of the article suggest useful insights concerning : a) Taxidou’s reception of Medea in the context of the modern interpretations of the Medea theme; b) Taxidou’s method (using the myth) in reflecting on the geopolitical and cultural problems of the day and presenting them in a broader context of time and space.Item 50-ე ფსალმუნის (მიწყალეს) განმარტების ახლადგამოვლენილი ხელნაწერი(ივანე ჯავახიშვილის სახელობის თბილისის სახელმწიფო უნივერსიტეტის გამომცემლობა, 2023) ევდოშვილი, თინათინThe largest collections of Georgian manuscripts are kept in the Georgian National Centre of Manuscripts, as well as in other museums and book repositories both in Georgia and abroad. Some manuscript books are also preserved in private collections. In this article, we present one of the manuscripts held in a private collection in Tbilisi -“Commentary on Psalm 50.” The manuscript was translated from the Armenian language in the first third of the 19th century, specifically in 1821, by priest Egnate Ioseliani. The size of the book is 375x230 mm, and it includes 246 folios. The manuscript is complete. The text consists of a preface (6r–13r) and 22 chapters (15r–240r), all titled. This newly found manuscript is Egnate Ioseliani’s autograph of the “Commentary on Psalm 50;” given the codicological characteristics of the manuscript, we conclude that this is his draft version. Egnate Ioseliani (1766-1843) was one of the prominent clergymen of the 18th-19th centuries of Georgia and served at St. George Court’s Church during the reign of the last king of Kartl-Kakheti, George the XII (1798-1800). Ioseliani was close to the king and actively participated in Court life. He was a skilled writer, knew Armenian, and often helped the King communicate with the representatives of the Armenian Church. After the death of King George, Ioseliani was among those who tried to maintain the independence of the kingdom, but unsuccessfully, as subsequently it was abolished by Alexander I in 1801. Georgia then became the governorate of the Russian Empire. The dramatic events that unfolded in Georgia in the first third of the 19th century did not prevent Ioseliani from being active in his literary career; in the National Center of Manuscripts in Tbilisi, there are 21 manuscripts related to his name. In order to define the place and significance of Egnate Ioseliani's “Commentary on Psalm 50” in the Georgian literary heritage, we looked for all manuscripts with the same title in the book repositories of Georgia. As a result, we found only four in the collections of the National Centre of Manuscripts (S-3029 b, S-2548, S-3644, and Q-1439). Based on this search, we conclude that Egnate Ioseliani is not the only one among the 18th–19th century figures interested in the exegesis of Psalm 50. According to the description, manuscript S-3644, “Commentary on Miserere Mei,” was considered to be the original work of Katholikos Anton I. But now we can prove that, in reality, it is a compilation made by an unknown author, where each verse is accompanied by the commentaries of the three prominent Church fathers, Cyril of Alexandria, Athanasius the Great, and Hesychius of Jerusalem. We think that the “Commentary on Miserere Mei,” written by Anton I, is lost, and probably, as P. Ioseliani indicates, we should look for it in the fond of the Synod archive of the Russian State Archives. The newly found manuscript examined in this paper, “Commentary on Psalm 50,” is preserved in a private collection; we conclude that it is the autograph of Egnate Ioseliani. It is the complete draft version of “Commentary.” Two other incomplete autographs of Egnate Ioseliani preserved in the National Center of Manuscripts, namely, manuscripts S-3029 b (which contains the preface and two chapters) and Q-1439 (which contains the preface and 13 chapters), are white pages of the complete text of the “Commentary.” As for the manuscript S-2548, we believe that it represents a later, literary adaptation of the complete text of the “Commentary on Psalm 50,” translated from Armenian by Egnate Ioseliani. Thus, the Armenian source that Ioseliani used and the author of manuscript S-2548 remain to be determined.Item Abkhazians and Ossetians in Georgia. Short History (handout for the politicians)(2019) Dundua, Tedo; Avdaliani, EmilItem The aesthetic of suffering in Galaktion Tabidze’s earlier creative works (In relation to Vazha Pshavela’s lyric poetry)(Shota Rustaveli Institute of Georgian Literature, 2017) Beburishvili, Levan“Enjoyment in suffering” is one of the motives of romantic literature that is experiencing a kind of transformation in modernist literature. The paper deals with the manifestation features of the concept of suffering in the lyric poetry of great Georgian poets Galaktion Tabidze and Vazha Pshavela.Item Arabs, Khazars and the Battle for Transcontinental Trade Routes (7th-13th centuries)(ივანე ჯავახიშვილის სახელობის თბილისის სახელმწიფო უნივერსიტეტის გამომცემლობა, 2023) Avdaliani, EmilItem Blessed Are the Strangers! Muslim and Secular Views on Being a Stranger in the World(Universal, 2019) Weidner, StefanThe concept or teaching of the fundamental alienness of man in the world, as outlandish as it might have seemed in the beginning of this essay, can therefore be considered as a useful means to deal with this condition human in a meaningful and productive way. Feeling like a stranger oder alienation could thus be interpreted and integrated into life as a positive force which enables us to transcend our existential isolation towards a communication with everything that is different, foreign and new.1 From this perspective, even a non-believer is entitled to agree with the prophetic Hadith, be it authentic or not, which says: Fa tūbā li-l-ghurabā’: Blessed are the strangers!Item Blood feud and religious (in)tolerance in selected works of Modern Greek and Georgian Literature (Nikos Kazandzakis – Vazha Pshavela, typological parallels)(ლოგოსი, 2019) Chikovani, AnaΟ Νίκος Καζαντζάκης και ο Βάζα Πσαβέλα δείχνουν μέσω λογοτεχνικών έργων ότι η έννοια της τιμής μπορεί να αντιτίθεται στον εαυτό της – π.χ. ο νόμος του αίματος που απαιτεί εκδίκηση αντιτίθεται στην ορκωτή αδελφότητα μεταξύ Χριστιανών και Μουσουλμάνων εχθρών σε μία περίπτωση ή στο έθιμο της φιλοξενίας που υποχρεώνει τον οικοδεσπότη να υπερασπιστεί τον φιλο-ξενούμενο άλλης θρησκευτικής ταυτότητας στην άλλη περίπτωση. Οι ερευνητικές μέθοδοι συνίστανται στην ερμηνεία και τη σύγκριση λογοτεχνικών πηγών. Διερευνώ το πολιτισμικό πλαίσιο των λογοτεχνικών έργων υπό εξέταση και ιδιαίτερα τον ιδεολογικό σκοπό κάθε συγγραφέα ή την επίδραση στον αναγνώστη, όταν συμπεριλαμβάνονται νόμος του αίματος και αναπαραστάσεις της θρησκευτικής ανεκτικότητας ή μισαλλοδοξίας στο λογοτεχνικό έργο. Υποστηρίζω ότι εφόσον και στην ελληνική και τη γεωργιανή κοινωνία η θρησκεία συχνά ταυτίζεται με την εθνότητα, ο ρόλος των συγγραφέων που προάγουν την ελευθερία και ανοχή μπορεί να είναι εξαιρετικά πολύτιμος και σημαντικός για το σχηματισμό ανεκτικών κοινωνιών.Item The Center of Intercultural Dialogue of the Academic Library of the University of Latvia as a tool for developing Latvian-Georgian relations(Universal, 2019) Eltermane, LindaThe article is devoted to the analysis of the activities of the Center of Intercultural Dialogue of the Academic Library of the University of Latvia and its role in the development of Latvian-Georgian relations in the field of science, education, culture and art. The research, on the example of the Georgian information center (founded in 2014), shows how the opening and activities of such a structure influences the exchange of information between Latvia and Georgia, the popularization and promotion of Georgia and its culture, science, art and traditions in the Latvian spaceItem გრაფემის შემცველი გერმანული საკუთარი და გეოგრაფიული სახელების ქართულად გადმოტანის საკითხი(უნივერსიტეტის გამომცემლობა, 2020) მუჯირი, სოფიო;The paper focuses on the issue of Georgian translation of German proper names and toponyms containing the grapheme . The German velar sound [x], denoted by the grapheme , is transmitted into Georgian by means of the glottal sound “ხ“. This is an undoubted fact. However, Georgian has no correlate of the German palatal sound [ç]. This sound is transmitted into Georgian in two ways, by “ხ“(kh) and “ჰ“(h) forms. In order to choose the best form out of these two sounds, I have analyzed the normative forms of the above-mentioned sounds in the literary German language, as well as their phonetical, phonological and graphic peculiarities. It is well known that, in the German language, the grapheme denotes both velar [x] and palatal [ç], which are combined variants of one and the same phoneme /x/, and differ solely by the place of articulation. Substitution of these sounds does not change the meaning of the word. A totally different sound is a glottal fricative [h]. It differs from the above-mentioned sounds by the place of articulation, as well as by its nature and position in a word. Substitution of both velar [x] and palatal [ç] by the fricative [h] leads to a change in the meaning of the word. Therefore, it is inadmissible to transfer the sound [ç] by means of the phoneme ჰ into Georgian, solely based on the similarity of pronunciation. Besides, in borrowed proper names and toponyms, the Georgian spirant ჰ is easily lost before the vowels and at the end of the word. Georgian ჰ has its own function: it denotes the German sound [h] when transferring German proper names into Georgian. Thus, this grapheme cannot be used to denote the German palatal [ç] in the Georgian versions of proper names and toponyms. To summarize all the above-mentioned, we can conclude that the expression of German palatal [ç] by means of the Georgian glottal “ჰ“ is incorrect. For contemporary literary Georgian language, it is more natural and acceptable to use the grapheme “ხ“ for both German sounds [x] and [ç], denoted by the grapheme .Item Conceptual Metaphors and Metonymies in “Coraline” by N. Gaiman(2023) Peradze, NatoThis research embraces conceptual metaphors and metonymies in Neil Gaiman’s book “Coraline”. The theoretical framework of the article is based on the Conceptual Metaphor Theory (CMT) by Lakoff and Johnson (1980), and the Contemporary Theory of Metaphor by Lakoff (1993). The article employs the qualitative method of analysis: the metaphoric and metonymic linguistic expressions from the book have been selected and grouped according to their corresponding cognitive metaphors and conceptual metonymies. Thus, the research aims to identify and analyze these linguistic expressions and their conceptual metaphors and metonymies, identify their significance and relation to the plot, and the function of universal and cultural-specific metaphors.Item Der freie Wille in der Hermeneutik des Origenes(2010) Dolidze, Tina