Faculty of Social and Political Sciences

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1990-1991 წლების ქართული პრესა პოლიტიკური პროცესების ჭრილში
(შოთა რუსთაველის ეროვნული სამეცნიერო ფონდი, 2019) შამილიშვილი, მანანა; Shamilishvili, Manana; წერეთელი, მარი; Tsereteli, Mari
ჩვენ მიერ საკონფერენციოდ წარმოდგენილი მოხსენება შეეხება ჩვენი ქვეყნის უახლესი ისტორიის მეტად მტკივნეულ და წინააღმდეგობებით აღსავსე პერიოდს. მასში წარმოჩენილია 1990-1991 წლების საქართველოში შექმნილი მწვავე პოლიტიკური გარემო და რადიკალური მსოფლმხედველობრივი დაპირისპირება. ეს პროცესებინათლად აისახა იმდროინდელ პრესაში. მიხედავად იმისა, რომ მონიშნული დროის ქართული მედია პლურალისტურ ბუნებას ავლენდა, მაინც აშკარა იყო იდეოლოგიური პოლარიზების მაღალი ხარისხი. მაშინდელმა საგაზეთო პოლემიკამ მკაფიოდ წარმოაჩინა სახელისუფლებო და ოპოზიციურ ძალთა შეურიგებელი ბრძოლა, პოლიტიკურ ჯგუფებს შორის თვალსაზრისთა მკვეთრი დაშორიშორებულობა. საკვლევი პერიოდის სპეციფიკიდან გამომდინარე, მიზნად დავისახეთ ორი მნიშვნელოვანი გაზეთის – ოფიციოზური „საქართველოს რესპუბლიკისა“ და ოპოზიციური „დრონის“ პუბლიკაციათა ანალიზი. ძირითადად, ამ ორი გამოცემის ირგვლივ იყო გაერთიანებული სახელისუფლებო და ოპოზიციური ძალები. მსგავსი მედიაკლიმატი დამახასიათებელია პოსტსოციალისტური სახელმწიფოებისთვის. წარსულის ინერცია ძნელად დასაძლევი აღმოჩნდა იმდროინდელი მედიისთვის. მან, მართალია, მოიშორა საბჭოური ცენზურის წნეხი, მაგრამ ერთგული დარჩა ადრინდელი პროფესიული მიდგომებისა, რაც პარტიული მიმხრობის, ეთიკურ ნორმათა უგულებელყოფის, თვითცენზურისა და სხვა ნეგატიური მახასიათებლების სახით ვლინდებოდა. სამწუხაროდ, ეს ნაკლოვანებები არც დღესაა დაძლეული. საკითხი ვიკვლიეთ კონტექსტურად, პოლიტიკურ პროცესებზე დაკვირვებით, შესაბამისი მასალის მოძიება – კლასიფიკაციისა და შინაარსობრივი ანალიზის გზით. განვსაზღვრეთ ასევე კვლევის თეორიულ ჩარჩო. ამისთვის გამოვიყენეთ მედიისა და პოლიტიკის ურთიერთმიმართების ე. ჰალინისა და პ. მანჩინისეული მედიამოდელი. მასთან ერთად, უილიამ ჰახტენის პრესის რევოლუციური კონცეფცია. მოხმობილი მეთოდოლოგიის მიხედვით რელევანტური ტექსტების ანალიზმა მოგვცა შესაძლებლობა, გამოგვეკვეთა დასახელებული გამოცემების სარედაქციო პოლიტიკა, რაც მოვლენების მეტად სუბიექტურ აღქმაში გამოვლინდა. კვლევისას მიღებული შედეგები წარმოაჩენს პოსტსაბჭოთა საქართველოში არსებული პოლიტიკური, სოციალური და მედიაგარემოს სპეციფიკას; გამოკვეთს პოლიტიკურ ძალთა შორის დაპირისპირების გამომწვევ მიზეზებს და გვეხმარება სინამდვილის კონსტრუირებაში.
The “4 + 1 Program” in Higher Education Institutions as a Strategy for the Integration of Ethnic Minorities
(2020) Mikhanashvili, Inga
One of the most important issues in contemporary Georgia is the protection of national minorities’ rights and civic integration promotion. To increase access to higher education and therefore to promote civic integration of ethnic minorities, in 2009, by the Ministry of Education and Science of Georgia, based on amendments made to the Law on Higher Education, educational program in Georgian Language training was launched. The program aimed to let ethnic minorities to be enrolled in higher education institutions based on the results of the Azerbaijanian, Armenian, Ossetian and Abkhazian language tests of General skills and afterward, to study the Georgian language at the level which is necessary to continue studying under the bachelor's program. Based on the results of the general skill tests in Azerbaijanian, Armenian, Abkhazian and Ossetian languages, the rules for enrolling students in higher education institutions were defined as a temporary measure, the validity of which expired at the end of the 2018-2019 academic year. Therefore, we think it is necessary to evaluate the results of the educational program in the Georgian language, to summarize the opinions and recommendations of the parties involved in the implementation of the program. The educational program presented by the Ministry of Education in 2004 aimed to create equal conditions for all entrants when applying to Georgian higher education institutions. Under this reform, unified national exams have been introduced since 2005, but in the first year of the reform, only twenty ethnic minority entrants became students, a much lower rate than in previous years. To eliminate this negative effect of the reform, the Ministry of Education has started implementing a "favorable policy" for ethnic minorities. This study aims to assess students' perceptions and attitudes about the effectiveness of the Georgian language training program (4 + 1 program) initiated for ethnic minorities in 2009 and implemented within the framework of the National Civil Integration Action Plan; Also, to analyze the goals of the introduction of the 4 + 1 program in the education system. In the report, by using the integration theoretical framework and statistical data analysis method, I studied statistical data on the number of students representing ethnic minorities in Georgian universities; analyzed the goals and motives of the Ministry of Education while introducing "4 + 1 program"; also analyzed the official statistics provided by the National Center for Examinations and Assessment and the Center for Education Quality Development. As a result of the study, after the launching of the program, an increase in the number of ethnic minority students in Georgian universities and an improvement in their knowledge of the Georgian language was revealed.
Access to Medicines for Pension Age Population in Georgia
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2019-06) Verulava, Tengiz; ვერულავა, თენგიზ
The pension age population belongs to the largest risk group within the insurance sphere. Healthcare for pensioners often represents catastrophic expenses and has become the major reason for their impoverishment. Families in Georgia spend about 60% of all their healthcare expenses on medicines, this being one of the highest rates across the world. There is some evidence that the high costs of medicines are due to a combination of factors, including insufficient usage/administering of generic medicines, lack or inadequate utilization of prescription mechanisms, insufficient financial limit for medicines within the state healthcare programs, and aggressive marketing by the pharmaceutical industry. The government has been trying to decrease the out-of-pocket spending via different strategies, including universal health coverage (UHC). Since February 2013, the Universal Health State Program came into force, targeting two million of uninsured citizens and providing a basic package for primary health care and emergency services. Pension age population form the largest at-risk group within the insurance sphere. The most rapidly increasing and unaffordable share of healthcare expenses falls upon medicines. This paper examines financial access to medicines and the satisfaction with the insurance policy within the Georgia State Health Insurance Program for pension age population. This paper examines financial access to medicines and the satisfaction with the insurance policy within the Georgia State Health Insurance Program for pension age population. Using a randomized selection method, 500 pension age persons were interviewed by means of direct questioning. According to the Social Service Agency, there are 45,455 pension age recipients of medical insurance in Tbilisi with a total of 673,183 pension age population across the country (National Statistics Service of Georgia, 2013). Out of the 500 persons (62.4% women and 37.6% men) interviewed. The sample population covered all the districts of Tbilisi. The interviews took place in clinics. The largest segment of the interviewed population was between the ages of 71-75 (35.2%). While the Georgia State Health Insurance Program for pension age population includes some compensation for medicines, medical insurance does not provide guarantee for financial accessibility to medical service. The results show that out-of-pocket payment is the most common health financing mechanism in Georgia. The cost of healthcare for pensioners often represents catastrophic expenses and becomes the major reason of their impoverishment. Based on the results, medication expenses represent one of the most important components of the medical service for the insured pensioner population. Over 55% of the pensioners have to buy medications at least once a month and 34% purchase them at least once or twice a week. Most of the interviewed insured population believes that buying medicines, combined with low financial accessibility to relevant medical services, is the most significant problem for their families. The awareness level of the insured persons about medication coverage and payments for medical services provided by the insurance package within a certain limit is low. The majority of those interviewed (64%) stated that their out-of–pocket expenses exceeded this limit; 20.4% exceeded that amount by 80 GEL or more. The fact that 32.8% of the insured population cannot afford medications prescribed by their doctors also points out at low financial accessibility for medicines. The majority of those insured did not know that the insurance company compensates medicine expenses within the policy annual insurance limit. Additionally, 58.8% of those who have to pay for certain types of medical services covered by the state insurance program out of their pockets were not aware about the limits. Reduction of catastrophic healthcare expenses should become the chief aim of the government health policy. It applies to the high-risk population, those under the poverty line and the pension age population, as well as to those with chronic diseases. Accordingly, based on the findings, it is reasonable to expand the insurance program for the pension population and also provide more reasonable coverage of medication expenses.
Adoption of the Coastal Zone of the Black Sea in Georgia Based on the Principles of Blue Economy
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2019-06) Melikidze, Valerian; მელიქიძე, ვალერიან; Chkhaidze, Vladimer; ჩხაიძე, ვლადიმერ; Kobaidze, Salome; კობაიძე, სალომე
One of the most important resources for the sustainable development of Georgian economy is the coastal zone of the Black Sea which has to be developed under the principles of blue economy. The term of blue economy is a new concept for Georgia which is oriented to the sustainable development representing the extension of the concept of green economy in the water areas of the seas and oceans. Blue economy emphasizes on the rational utilization of the existent resources and maintaining the sustainability of the specific eco-system. The priorities of blue economy are: Fishing industry, Aquaculture, Fishery resources, Marine and coastal tourism and the sea transportation. The objective of the given work is to evaluate and assess the natural and resource-related potential of the Black Sea coastal zone in Georgia, explore the biodiversity and estimate its current level of economic development based on the principles of the blue economy. The presented work is current and important as, on the one hand, it is preconditioned by understanding and implementing the principles of blue economy which is nominated as priority in the economic agenda of the European Union and, on the other hand, it defines and explores the capacity and potential of the development of this concept in the coastal zone of the Black Sea in Georgia as a whole and at the level of the municipalities of Zugdidi, Lanchkhuti, Khobi, Poti, Ozurgeti, Kobuleti, Batumi and Khelvachauri. The development of the coastal zone of Georgia according to the principles of the blue economy has to become an integral part of the social and economic politics of Georgia. The work researches the capacity of nature and the potential of resources on the coastal zone of the Black Sea in Georgia, it also concentrates on the marine and land biodiversity. Moreover, it assesses the existent conditions of economic development and the prospects for the future implementation. The paper focuses on the major economic activities realized in the coastal regions. The four leading sectors operating in the coastal zone of the Black Sea in Georgia are: Private sector, Public, Non- Governmental Organizations and educational/expert and their knowledge and awareness to share their competence and preparedness to implement the principles of the blue economy are assessed and explored. The research incorporates several methodical combinations. On the first stage of researching the relevant scientific literature is reviewed. Statistical data of the National Statistics Office of Georgia are analyzed, the database of the entrepreneurs is learnt and the investigations of the bordering countries of the Black Sea and the Mediterranean are elaborated. On the basis of the analysis of the secondary data the questionnaire of the empirical research is structured and afore-mentioned four target groups are stood out. In the process of research, the awareness regarding the blue economy and related realized activities and future perspectives are salient. The semi-structured interviews used on the first stage served to find the competent interviewees in the field of blue economy to then hold in-depth interviews respectively.
Alcântara (Lisbon): From Industrial District to Tourist Destination. A Survey
(2020) Zarrilli, Luca; Brito, Miguel
The tourist image of Lisbon and its uniqueness was shaped through the existence of “popular neighbourhoods”, spaces of intense and unchangeable social life where the elements of cultural life are present as a landmark of each different space. Alcântara, Bica, Alfama, Mouraria, and Madragoa are examples of traditional Lisbon neighbourhoods, which today continue to be closely associated with specific representations of the city and of its people’s ways of life within the city As part of the tourism development that Lisbon has been experiencing in recent years, one of the emerging neighbourhoods is Alcântara, a former industrial district that is currently undergoing a functional reconversion. Situated by the river Tagus, next to the museum district of Lisbon (Belém), and not far from the town centre (Baixa), it presents a different tourist supply: besides the traditional local heritage, composed of monuments, palaces and museums, it is probably the best district of Lisbon to recall the industrial era, its buildings, activities and ways of life. This article deals with the transition process of the neighbourhood from an economic fabric based on industry to a tertiary type of area, within which a special reference to the tourism sector is given. As a reaction to the increasing demand of the tourists, several hotels, apartments and other types of local accommodation have emerged in the neighborhood. In Alcântara tourists seek for the trendy local restaurants, unique libraries, modern business opportunities and young entrepreneurs’ shops, which concentrate in former industrial facilities now reconverted into cultural and commercial activities, such as LX Factory and Village Underground. To understand this transformation a qualitative-quantitative method was used. Besides the documental analysis and the field research, a survey was conducted aimed at understanding the type of tourists visiting the district, their motivations and their assessment of the characteristics of Alcântara. The results show that Alcântara is an attractive district for young tourists interested in discovering trendy places. Alcântara’s barycentric position is also significant both in the transport network and in the tourist geography of the metropolitan area of Lisbon.
At the Origins of the Development of the Code of Parliamentary Ethics: Experience of the Constituent Assembly of Georgia (1919–1921)
(2020) Zedginidze, Natia
In a modern democratic state, a moral understanding of legislation is essential to establish a fair environment. One of the most important ways to ensure this is professional codes of ethics. Code of ethics helps to increase the sense of responsibility of officials and politicians at all levels of government. One of the most important ethical codes governing the field of politics is the Code of Ethics for Parliamentary Conduct. The Constituent Assembly (1919–1921) was the first democratically elected legislature in the history of Georgia. It is true that documents of ethical rules of conduct were not developed separately at that time, but in the legal acts adopted by the Constituent Assembly we meet moral-ethical provisions that are characteristic of modern codes of ethics. It should also be noted that in some cases it is difficult to find a dividing line between legal and ethical norms, as it is impossible to ensure justice without considering ethical principles in law. The report discusses the issues of political ethics based on the stenographic reports of the Constituent Assembly (1919–1921), the legal acts of that time, and the analysis of the press. On November 22, 1918, the National Council of Georgia and the Government of the Republic of Georgia approved the electoral regulations of the Constituent Assembly, which had to ensure democratic, fair and free elections. The Electoral Statute of the Constituent Assembly established both the necessary norms for free and fair conduct of the election campaign, also the mechanisms of appropriate punishment in case of their infringement - the deprivation of liberty or a fine (Collection of Legal Acts of the Democratic Republic of Georgia 1918–1921). During the election process, it was not allowed to cover election calls, to threaten persons carrying out agitations, dissemination of false information about a candidate, electoral agitation in churches and other places of worship, both in the form of sermons and verbal or written appeals, violence against a person through fraud, intimidation, to obstruct the exercise of the right to vote freely through the abuse of power or the use of economic means against those with the right to vote, to win a voter with promises, by providing personal or property benefits to him/her or his/her family member, etc. (Electoral Statute of the Constituent Assembly). It is noteworthy that the norms set out in the Electoral Regulations or other legal acts of the Constituent Assembly in modern democratic states are mainly regulated by the Code of Ethics. For example, neither the founders of the Democratic Republic of Georgia had stayed out of the spotlight the provisions prohibiting simultaneous holding two or more positions, which help the officer to understand and faithfully fulfill the obligations imposed by the mandate and as soon as the Constituent Assembly began its work, on March 29, 1919, the Bill on the incompatibility of membership in parliament and civil service was discussed. The main basis of the submitted Bill was the protection of dignity of the Constituent Assembly; Moral freedom of legislators and ensuring their conscientious work in legislative, controlling or other activities (Minutes of the Constituent Assembly of Georgia, 2019). The regulations of the Constituent Assembly also regulated the “Rules of Reasoning” and strictly required the “observance of decency”. The orator was obliged not to use insulting and generally derogatory words toward Constituent Assembly when discussing. In case of violation of these conditions, the Chairman would apply the measures specified by the regulations. This approach has helped to promote political culture and discussions on issues of vital importance for the country (Collection of Legal Acts of the Democratic Republic of Georgia 1918– 1921). Thus, the provisions adopted by the Constituent Assembly 100 years ago had uniquely progressive nature, and their analysis allows us to understand the scale of political culture and state thinking of political parties and state figures during the First Democratic Republic. Against this background, to evaluate the current problems of the electoral process and political culture and consider the historical experience to recover the current political process.
The Attitude of the Orthodox Parishioners Toward Euthanasia: Evidence From Georgia
(SAGE Publications, 2019) Verulava, Tengiz; Mamulashvili, Mariam; Kachkachishvili, Iago; Jorbenadze, Revaz
A Blueprint of Turkey’s Covid-19 Policy
(2020) Babaoglu, Cenay; Kulac, Onur
In 2020 a new worldwide pandemic, which was named as Covid-19 started in Wuhan/China and affected deeply different regions rapidly. In the process, governments have devised various roadmaps and policies to combat the pandemic. To this end, various measures have been taken, and several restrictions have been imposed on citizens, especially curfews. Turkey has been one of the most affected countries in terms of the number of cases from the Covid-19 pandemic. The Turkish government and the citizens played a major role in keeping pandemic under control with their efforts and devotion. In this context, regulations have been made in many policy areas, especially health. New hospitals have been established, their work patterns have been changed, and Covid-19 focused preventive, and treatment studies have been carried out. Besides, economic support packages were announced, social arrangements were made, and education policies were changed. Also, personnel policies were reorganised, and new social policies were implemented. During this period, Turkey sent protective equipment, health equipment and health technologies to different countries free of charge under international aid. Crowdfunding and crowdsourcing campaigns that took place within the country have also been successful at both local and national levels. Turkey has performed successful process management in this process and has come forward as a best practice with its low spread and mortality rates during the epidemic. Therefore, the policy in Turkey needs to be scrutinised, to draw lessons for new cases. The foremost aim of this study is to analyse the policies made in the pandemic process in Turkey. In this context, responses and the initiatives of the official policy actors will be analysed. On the other hand, unofficial and international actors contributing to the pandemic process will be examined. Later on, the roles and effects of think tanks and street- level bureaucrats will be discussed. While analysing the Covid-19 policy Turkey, the decisions taken during the process will be handled within the framework of the decision-making approaches in the literature. Moreover, it is aimed to have a comprehensive policy analysis by given priority the concepts of policy transfer and lesson drawing. This study reveals that Turkey's policies regarding the pandemic process are based on some of the fundamental aspects such as coordination, public relations, usage of technology and task distribution.
Cardiac Implantable Electronic Device Infections - Prevention, Diagnosis, Treatment and Impact on Quality of Life
(Georgian Medical News, 2021) Kuridze, Nika; Rukhadze, B; Bakashvili, N; Verulava, Tengiz; Aladashvili, A
For several decades, highly refined cardiac implantable elec-tronic devices (CIED) are used to prevent and manage various types of cardiac pathology, which have saved the lives of many patients. Cardiac implantable electronic devices help maintain and improve the quality of life by regulating the heart rate, ter-minating life-threatening arrhythmias, and improving systolic function, including pacemakers, implantable cardioverter defi-brillators, and cardiac resynchronization therapy devices. Re-gardless of the benefits received after its implantation, in some cases, serious complication has appeared, such as CIED infec-tions, associated with severe morbidity, mortality, financial ex-penses and changes in the quality of life. Exactly, in this article will be addressed the issues of prevention, diagnosis, and treat-ment of this condition, which will help specialists to properly assess the problem and to find a way to effectively solve it
A Caricature as a Mean of Visualization of the Nazi Editorial Policy and an Anti-Bolshevik Ideological Weapon
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2019-06) Shamilishvili, Manana; შამილიშვილი, მანანა
Our presentation for the conference deals with a topical issue. It focuses on the importance of the political caricature and its propagandistic function. A caricature plays a major role in informing the public and understanding topical socio-political problems critically. The ideological- political intensions of satirical drawings emotionally illustrate an image of a particular epoch. This form of self-expression is an effective weapon for an author to expose shortcomings of their time. It almost acquired a function of a documentary source in the totalitarian governance, when through a visual message it was possible to say anything symbolically, sarcastically or sometimes enigmatically what was prohibited and punishable. The sarcastic language acquired a special meaning during the Second World War when an artist who was critical to the Soviet system gave it a function of an effective weapon of a denunciator and fighter against it. This is clearly demonstrated by the cases of detainees charged with anti- soviet activities during the Second World War and the following period. We have studied them within the grant project “Bolshevism and Georgian Literature since the Beginning of the Second World War until the CPUS 20th Conference (1941-1956)” financed by Shota Rustaveli National Science Foundation. Based on the materials found in the Archives of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Georgia, we present the newspaper activities of those Georgian cartoonists, who fought on the side of Nazi Germany in order to free Georgia from the Bolsheviks. With the efforts of Georgian publicists and legionnaires gathered around the Nazi newspaper “Georgia” published in Berlin, the Anti-Stalin Campaign was widely disseminated aiming to free the homeland from the Bolshevik tyranny with the help of Nazi Germany. In the paper we present the exposing style of Georgian cartoonists on the basis of the analysis of the samples published in the newspaper “Georgia”. Despite the apologia of German Nazism, the visual material adapted to the editorial policy hid the idea of fighting for the independence of the homeland. In those propagandistic messages declared as visual narratives, the brutality of the Stalinist regime and the wish to fight against it were clearly seen. We have used “Four Theories of the Press” by famous American media researchers Fred. S. Siebert, Theodore Peterson, Wilbur Schramm, as well as William Hachten’s revolutionary concept of the press as a theoretical framework of the research. We have chosen the connotational semiotic analysis as a research method. In this way, the purpose of the use of the non-verbal semiotic system is better illustrated that aims to strengthen the messages delivered through the verbal code. In the end, reading the allegorical truth of the caricatures using this methodology, enables us to clearly show the picture of the epoch and to expose the violent attitudes of the Soviet regime.
Catch-all Policy of the Parties in Member and Non-Member Countries of European Union (on the Example of Sweden and Georgia)
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2019-06) Mukbaniani, Lika; მუკბანიანი, ლიკა
The parties have one of the key areas in political processes. Their reorganization and transformation has been going on years. It was changing systematically, in content, qualitatively, though it did not lose its role and importance. The parties, as in the most states of the world, as in Georgia, are the main creators of political process. Ideology and the party have been in close association with each other for years, though if we look at modern party systems, in most cases; obviously, there will be alienation between them. Catch-all and less ideology of the parties are becoming more noticeable. Catch-all parties have the biggest chance of winning in the elections, because they prefer the priorities to voters and not ideology, accordingly, they respond better to changes than the parties within an ideological framework. The term – Catch-all policy of the parties, which was acknowledged by political scientists and observers, was established by German-American scientist Otto Kirchheimer, who worried about transformation of the parties. He wrote that Swedish social-democracies minimized the political competition at the expense of their program’s reduction. It should be noted, that the ideology of the present government party of Georgia can be assessed as a social-democracy. The well-known scientist Alen discusses Sweden among “the third model” countries, which embarked on this course at his time. In fact, the third way marks an alternative, which can be located between state socialism and the capitalism of the free market. The political situation of Georgia, at this stage, is more bias to the third way model. Only the future will show, how this model will work out. The example of Sweden will enable us to understand the ongoing political processes in Georgia profoundly, as the political system of Sweden is a constitutional monarchy, and in the present political space of Georgia, a tendency towards the model of a constitutional monarchy is clearly being revived; In the past, Sweden had a conflict with Russia, which is bounded with its territories. Georgia also has a border with Russia and the biggest problem in the country exactly remains the conflict with Russia. To compare Georgia with Sweden politically is rather difficult. After a 70-year regime Soviet Union, the country tries to escape from its problems. Georgia has a lot of resources, to be able to join the developed countries. The natural resources of the country, as well as the geographical location and a successfully conducted economy will aid Georgia in becoming a politically strong state. Sweden, thereby, with its infrastructure, tourism, water power and natural resources could solve social and economic problems. By maintaining neutrality in the 20th century, Sweden could raise the level of living of the population, which strengthened it and helped it become one of the leading countries in the world. Sweden, during its existence, carried out one or more reforms to solve economic and social problems, in addition, during the years, it has preserved and only after the rebuilding of the country – in 1995 it became a member of European Union. The example of Sweden is considerable for such a country like Georgia, because it has a lot in common with Sweden. The purpose of research, regarding the example of Sweden and Georgia, is to show characteristics of catch-all policies of the parties, what finally, affects the effective development and formation of the state.
Challenges of Gender Equality in Media (Case of Georgia)
(2020) Gersamia, Mariam; Toradze, Maia; Markariani, Liana
According to UNESCO’s World Trends in Freedom of Expression and Media Development report, while there is progress, women journalists are still more exposed to assault, threat or physical, verbal or digital attack than their male counterparts (UNESCO, 2018). Georgia (country) faces challenges regarding feticide, domestic violence, employment of women, early or forced marriages, sexual harassment, blackmailing of female journalists, and there is a low awareness about gender equality. According to international reports (MSI, Freedom House) the media landscape in Georgia is partly free. The goal of the research is to analyze the media landscape in Georgia from a gender equality perspective and provide recommendations for raising awareness on gender- sensitive issues. According to EBU gender equality guidelines (2019), in Europe, women represent 44% of the public service media workforce, but only 25% of executive positions. Stereotypes and biases persist in media and there is an urgent need to show a realistic picture. Media figures can strengthen or reduce stigmatization and stereotypes regarding groups and individuals. Traditionally, the news industry has been dominated by men (Ross et al., 2018) and researchers argue (Melin-Higgins, 2014; Ruoho & Torkkola, 2018) that woman in media often have top positions in woman’s magazines or in media product about beauty at etc. However, in Georgia analysis confirms the hypothesis, that women are dominated in the media sector (and not only in woman’s magazines). As to the positioning, according to GMMP’s replication study (2015), there were 88% Female and 12% Male presenters (Macharia et al., 2015) in Georgia. In addition, Also in Georgian media organizations, 48% of reporters were female and 52 Male (Connor et al., 2010). Study answers research questions as it follows: • RQ 1: is there gender inequality regarding workplace and positions in Georgian media (TV, print, radio, online)? • RQ 2: what are the themes covered by women and men journalists? • RQ 3: what gender-related issues do women face in media organizations? To answer the above-mentioned questions, mixed methodological approaches have been be used: content-analysis (Research Period: 2019: from June 1 till December 31) and survey (225 journalists have been interviewed in April, 2020). Recommendations (based on findings) are provided for media organizations, educators and media practitioners
The Challenges of Post-Soviet Transformation in Georgia: Democratization and its External and Domestic Rivals
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2021-06) Matsaberidze, David
The research will uncover main challenges of democratization, being the pre- requisite of Europeanization in Georgia, after the dissolution of the Soviet Union through looking at it via the prism of triple (Claus Offe) and quadruple (Taras Kuzio) transition models under the problem of fragmentation of [political] public sphere in Georgia, referring to the political public sphere (Jurgen Habermas) in particular. The research claims that the aspects of quadruple model (politics, economics, culture and state/nation) highlight much on the post-Soviet and emerging challenges of Georgia setting problems to democratization process in the country resulting in democracy decay or regression, influenced either by the trap of modernization vs. democratization or the rise of populism and illiberalism of different kinds. The paper reflects on the division between state and nation via juxtaposing and comparing the state-building and nation-building processes as a problem of democratization vs. modernization in Georgia through path- dependence and path-contingency approaches of the post-Soviet/Socialist transformation(s). The process of state-building and nation-building will be explained through application of the quadruple model, which highlights cracks in political, economic, cultural and national aspects of democratization in Georgia. These aspects will be deconstructed through juxtaposition of the external security vs. domestic security issues – influencing on the behavior of the local actors (political elites), therefore on the nature of domestic regime. The research relies on qualitative analysis and employ the discursive approach (speech act analysis in particular) to highlight the narrative strategies of the pro-Western and pro-Russian actors through uncovering and deconstructing their strategies in politics, media and civil society as the reactions to pressing external and domestic security challenges, which cause the fragmentation of the [political] public sphere in the country.
Challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic: German strategy
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University, 2020-06-20) Verulava, Tengiz
Strategies to combat global pandemics around the world include more or less strict quarantine or other restrictions. Nevertheless, the results achieved in the fight against coronavirus infection are different for all countries. The number of people infected with COVID-19 in Germany is one of the highest in the world, however, the mortality rate (1.6%) is lower than in Italy (12%), Spain, France and the United Kingdom (10%), China (4%) and the United Kingdom. In the States (3%). Germany works best among European countries in the crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. This is evidenced by the results of a study conducted by experts from the Deep Knowledge Group. Germany ranks second in the world in terms of world security among countries that operate effectively in the context of the coronavirus pandemic. In the list of 40 countries published on the official page of Deep Knowledge Group, Germany lags behind only Israel. Reconstruction credit bank has a special role in the history of Germany in critical situations. During the pandemic, the Reconstruction Credit Bank will issue any loans to entrepreneurs so that companies do not stop working due to lack of funds. In order to save the economy, the government is ready to take over the management of strategically important companies. Despite the adoption of restrictive measures, most of the country's factories continue to operate. The main factor in the smooth operation of German production in the face of the pandemic is the introduction of digital technology in production systems long before. They created the "Industrial 4.0 Strategy", which involves training German companies for the fourth industrial revolution, or digital age. Germany has more ability and opportunity to protect the industry from the devastating effects of a pandemic. Germany’s success is linked to an efficient healthcare system. Germany spends $ 5,033.45 per capita per year on health care, which is significantly higher than in other countries. Another important factor in success is the sufficient number of hospitals and medical staff, hospital equipment. In Germany, the number of beds per 100,000 population is the highest in the European region. Germany is better equipped with artificial lung ventilation devices than other countries. Also, Germany has the opportunity to produce medical equipment and medicines inside the country. From the beginning of the spread of the infection in Germany, the laboratories already had a supply of diagnostic tests and, as a result, soon began mass testing. Early and mass testing has made it possible to identify patients with asymptomatic infections and mild severity in order to isolate them immediately, which has dramatically slowed the spread of the virus. The testing was particularly effective for medical personnel who had direct contact with those infected. The Robert Koch Institute has developed a control app that allows to collect data on the geographical distribution of Coronavirus. Experts attribute the success to the public's confidence in the government. Merkel's plan is based on the recommendations of the Robert Koch Research Institute. It may be too early to draw a conclusion from the global pandemic, but one thing is clear: the pursuit of technological innovation allows Germany to relatively reduce the negative consequences of a pandemic.
Changing Political Geography and Geopolitics of the Central Europe
(2020) Gachechiladze, Revaz
The region of Central Europe comprises contemporary Poland, Hungary, Czech and Slovak Republics. Austrian Republic as a rule is considered a part of the region of Western Europe. The notion of “Central Europe” had been used intermittently since 1920s and it generally meant a group of states that had appeared on the territory of the former Austrian-Hungarian Empire which had dissolved in 1918. Only Poland re- established itself as a state on the territory previously (since the 18th century) annexed by Austria along with Russia and Prussia in. The emergence of Czechoslovakia and Poland in 1918 in concrete boundaries of those days could be explained by the urgency of the already established national projects of the major ethnic groups as well as the geopolitical goals of Entente, especially those of the French Republic. France had a desire to sponsor rather loyal to itself states to the east of Germany, defeated in the WWI but considered in Paris as still potentially dangerous one. Geopolitical calculations were a reason which permitted the both states, Czechoslovakia and Poland to expand at the expense of territories with ethnically heterogeneous population. A former part of Austria-Hungarian Empire, Sudetenland, predominantly populated with ethnic Germans and some territories with ethnic Hungarians on the left bank of Danube and foothills of the Carpathian mountains had been joined to Czechoslovakia. Poland received access to the Baltic Sea which effectively made East Prussia an exclave of Germany. After war with Bolshevik Russia poliethnicity of population of Poland increased. In comparison with the abovementioned states Hungary considered itself the most aggrieved as large territories settled with ethnic Hungarians were to be ceded to the neighbouring states of Czechoslovakia, Romania, Yugoslavia, and Austria. In interwar period geopolitical codes of Central European states frequently contradicted each other, there existed serious territorial claims. Political-geographical peculiarities which developed in the region became a reason of “self-justification” of expansionism of Nazi Germany in 1938-1939 that led Europe to WW2. After WW2 Central Europe turned into the sphere of interests of the Soviet Union and had undergone “Socialist transformation”. Sovereignty of all the states of the region was restricted. Large contingents of the Soviet Army had been deployed in each of them. The whole region had been joined to the military organisation of Warsaw Pact ruled from the Kremlin and the region was considered an outpost against NATO. The sovereignty of the states of the region had been restored after the end of Cold War and the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact (1990). Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary signed in Visegrad (Hungary) the document establishing a regional group in 1991. After the peaceful dissolution of Czechoslovakia into Czech and Slovak Republics (January 1, 1993) thes regional group acquired the name of TheVisegrad Four (V4). In the beginning it was intended as an instrument to support common policy of joining the EU while now V4 is used as a mean of coordination of foreign policy within the EU. The region of Central Europe joined the EU in 2004. Such membership is a prerequisite of economic and social development of all the states of the region and, simultaneously, a guarantor of avoidance of intraregional conflicts.
Civil Society in Hybrid Regimes: The Challenges of Democratization in Georgia
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2019-06) Melikidze, Giorgi; მელიქიძე, გიორგი
The nowadays established term “Hybrid Regime” combines a broad group of states and covers the elements of democracy and authoritarianism. The hybrid regime is generated by the democratization of the authoritarian regime. The prospect of its transformation into an electoral democracy depends on many factors, and first of all on the development of a civil society. Totalitarianism causes the collapse of civil society and its restoration in post-totalitarianism conditions is a very difficult process. The stimulation of civil society is conducted by the non- governmental sector, although this is not a perfect civil society. The goal of this work is to determine the role of civil society in the ongoing process of democratization in Georgia. The democratic transformation of the hybrid regime is associated with the development of civil society. The special focus is made on the concept of civil society, because if it has only a facade nature, then it has no value for democratic transformation. According to the research hypothesis, in countries where a clientelistic / elite civil society was formed, democratization was impeded, which caused stagnation. In the 1990s the stimulation of civil society formation in Georgia had been carried out by a creation and activation of nongovernmental organizations, but these organizations were funded from the West. The NGO sector, which acted on behalf of the civil society, played a significant role in the “Rose Revolution.” A precedent of cooperation between the newly formed government and civil society was created, but this happened only at the initial stage. As during Saakashvili governance also in subsequent years, the civil society was opposed to the government. Civil society in post-soviet Georgia was not distinguished by a high level of development, which negatively impacted on the democratization process of the country. The building of democracy in post-soviet Georgia is the main statement of any government, however the country couldn’t go beyond the status of a hybrid regime. Georgia belongs to the countries which didn’t incline to the democratization or to authoritarian governance. The main challenges of Georgia are the rule of law, the election process and the state functions. The authoritative organization “Freedom House” called such governance “Outlaw Democracy”. The last ten years were a turning stage for Georgia, not only due to the Historical and Political processes, but also in terms of democratization. It is interesting, that from 2008 up-to-date the different indicator of democratization changed its position, however the civil society firmly kept an average indicator. A qualitative method is used in the research, such as in-depth, interviews with experts.
A Comparative Analysis of ASEAN Countries’ Responses to Human Trafficking during COVID-19
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2021-06) Lin, Leo
The COVID-19 is not only a pandemic impacting people‟s health; it is also a transnational threat that has threatened the rights of vulnerable groups of people who have less voice. The Southeast Asian region has been facing the challenges of non-traditional security threats, especially during the Covid-19 pandemic. Since the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, low-income families in ASEAN (the Association of Southeast Asian Nations) countries have faced tremendous risks that rely on governments to address the issue. In particular, women and children are often suffered from unequal access to resources, services, and opportunities. According to the UNODC report, fifty-one percent of victims in East Asia were women, and children comprised nearly a third. The research questions of this paper are, first, what are the key human trafficking risks to vulnerable groups of people related to the COVID-19 crisis in Southeast Asian countries? Second, what are the ASEAN governments‟ responses to those risks? In this paper, the author identifies key human rights risks to children related to the COVID-19 crisis and then analyzes the ASEAN government‟s responses to children‟s rights issues during the pandemic. The four countries selected are Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam due to the unique trafficking profile of each. This paper provides an empirical analysis using an analytical framework developed by the author. Data were collected from primary and secondary sources such as the international organization‟s official websites and ASEAN countries‟ official publications, official records, and newspapers. This researcher employs a cross-case comparative method using a pattern-matching technique to analyze the data. This paper concludes with policy recommendations and steps that ASEAN countries should take to protect women and children‟s rights in the pandemic and mitigate its devastating effects.
Comparative Analysis of Protection of Young People at Work in Georgian and European Union Laws
(2020) Urotadze, Jaba
The research examines the level of protection of young persons’ (any person under 18 years of age) safety and health at work in Georgia compared to the European Union. Young persons are particularly vulnerable to risks related to working conditions, therefore the state should pay special attention to implementing international standards in this field. According to Article 78 of the Constitution of Georgia: “the constitutional bodies shall take all measures within the scope of their competences to ensure the full integration of Georgia into the European Union”. On the way to integration, Georgia has to approximate its legislation with the EU law. Georgia ratified the Minimum Age Convention, 1973 (No. 138) in 1996. The EU Directive 94/33/EC is based on the convention and establishes more specific provisions of protecting young persons’ safety and health at work. In Georgia, provisions concerning the protection of young people at work are given in the Labour Code (the LC) and the Organic Law on Occupational Safety. The upper limit of working time (including overtime) is not directly determined in the LC, even for children. A minimum uninterrupted rest period per week and daily breaks for workers regardless of age is not regulated in the LC. Georgian Labour Inspectorate has insufficient competences, only having the right to examine occupational safety and health conditions, but not work and rest time regulations. In relation to child labour, there are other provisions needed to be harmonized with EU law. In the research, Comparative analysis of EU Directive 94/33/EC on Protection of Young People at Work with relevant clauses of Georgian labour law is conducted and recommendations are given to amend provisions in Georgian legislation regarding the protection of young persons’ safety and health at work.
Comparative Analysis of Working and Rest Time Regulations in Georgia and European Union
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2019-06) Urotadze, Jaba; უროტაძე, ჯაბა
In 2014, the “Association Agreement” was signed between the European Union and Georgia, which aims at deepening political and economic relations between the parties. According to the Agreement, Georgia will approximate its legislation with EU law in different spheres, including decent working conditions. The “Association Agreement” has annexes, where there is a list of EU legal acts and Georgia has to gradually harmonize its legislation with these acts. The Labour Code of Georgia regulates labour and its concomitant relations in the territory of Georgia, unless they are otherwise governed by other special law (e.g. Public Service Law) or international agreements of Georgia. In 2006, within the frame of liberal social-economic policies, a new Labour Code was adopted, which significantly worsened the labour rights of employees. The process of elaboration of labour legislation should not be conducted only according to the wish to alleviate burden on business and ignore minimal safety and health requirements at work – this is against European values. In June 2013, significant amendments to the Labour Code were made, after which the labour relations between employer and employee became more balanced. Although, in order to approximate Georgian labour law with EU standards, there still are some legislative amendments to be made. In the research, special attention is paid to one of the central aspects of labour law – working and rest time. In Georgia, the upper limit of weekly working time (including overtime) is much higher than in EU member states; the employer is not obliged to ensure that, per each seven-day period, every worker is entitled to a minimum uninterrupted rest period of 24 hours; in relation to working and rest time, there are other discrepancies with EU standards. According to article 26 of the Constitution of Georgia, the right to safe working conditions and other labour rights shall be protected by the organic law; it is also mentioned that the freedom of enterprise shall be guaranteed. Therefore, it is important to keep an adequate balance between these two constitutional rights: the law governing labour rights should not impose an unbearable burden on the employer, which will hinder economic development and job creation; in the meantime, the government should ensure that the labour law will provide protection of health and safety at work according to the EU standards. In the research: a) EU Directives given in the “Association Agreement” and related to organization of working and rest time are studied; b) Several EU member states’ experience on transposition of relevant directives are studied; c) Comparative analysis of above mentioned legislation with Georgian labour law is conducted and recommendations are given to amend Georgian legislation on working and rest time.
Constituent Assembly of Georgia and Formation of Party System
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2019-06) Matsaberidze, Malkhaz; მაცაბერიძე, მალხაზ
By the time of the declaration of independence (May 26, 1918), different political parties and groups, formed in the Russian Empire functioned in Georgia. After the formation of an independent state, locally based parties were supposed to form the basis for the party system in the country, while others were forced to disappear from the political arena. The real influence of the parties should have been proved through elections of the Constituent Assembly. Those elections were held on February 14-16, 1919. 15 political units participated in the elections. They can be divided into four groups: • Political parties and their breakaway parts – 7 units; • Political groups created by the Georgian intelligentsia – 3 units; • Political associations of ethnic minorities – 3 (4) units; • Foreign political parties – 2 units. Political parties, which were created by intelligentsia hurriedly, on the eve of elections (Union of non-party members, Shota Rustaveli Party, Aesthetic League of Patriots) did not win the support of the electorate and no single deputy of the Constituent Assembly was elected from these parties. Representatives of the political units of national minorities (National Council of the Muslims of Georgia, Union of Muslims of Borchalo district, Democratic Group of Georgian Greeks, National Party of Abkhazians) ended the elections with the same result. From the foreign parties, Revolutionary Federation “Dashnaktsjutjun” won three seats in 1 The paper was prepared in the framework of the Shota Rustaveli National Science Foundation project “Constituent Assemble of Georgia: Experience of the Georgian parliamentarism”, Code: FR – 18 – 20157. the Assembly; Social-Democratic Party of Russia did not collect enough votes. As for the first group of parties in our classification, initially 4 out of the 7 units won the elections, later on, 6 units were represented in the Assembly. The composition of parties in the Constituent Assembly looked as follows: Political parties Main elections - February1919 1st additional elections – August 1919 2nd additional elections – May 1920 Social-Democratic Party of Georgia 109 105 102 National-Democratic Party of Georgia 8 7 8 Socialist-Revolutionary Party of Georgia 5 5 6 Socialist-Federalist Party of Georgia 8 9 9 “Dashnaktsjutjun” - 3 3 National Party of Georgia - 1 2 The elections of the Constituent Assembly and two years of its activities revealed some trends in the development of the Georgian political spectrum, in particular, a domination of the leftist political parties (they had 122 and, later on, 120 seats out of 130 in the Assembly), a weakening of the Social-Democratic Party (the number of deputies decreased from 109 to 92), a formation of the radical leftist wing (“Akhali skhivi” group) by 1921, and a unification of the Right political forces (formation of the “Democratic Party”). The party composition of the Constituent Assembly by February 11, 1921, looked as follows: Party Seats in the Constituent Assembly Social-Democratic Labor Party of Georgia 92 Independent Social-Democratic faction “Skhivi” 10 Democratic fiction (union of non-socialist parties) 10 Socialist-Federalists 9 Socialist-Revolutinaries 6 “Dashnaktsjutjun” 3 In the Autumn of 1921 elections of the Parliament of Georgia should have been held on the basis of the Constitution of 1921, however, the Soviet occupation led to dramatic changes in the development of the country.

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