VIII თემა არაბულში – მდგრადი თანხმოვნის ინფიქსაცია?
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Date
2024
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ივანე ჯავახიშვილის სახელობის თბილისის სახელმწიფო უნივერსიტეტის გამომცემლობა
Abstract
In the morphology of the Arabic language, the system of derivative forms occupies an axial, key position. Depending on the type of production, certain groups can be distinguished.
In more detail: Different types of vocal models function in the formation of derivative forms, in which the vowels and their order are constant [variation of vowel length is allowed; see: Ejibadze 2023: 236]:
But the scheme presented above is one side of production of the forms. In addition to these models of transfixed character, affixation represented by consonant elements also takes part in the formation of derivative forms. This affixation largely determines the semantic shade of the derivative forms; For conveying this semantic shades, the vowels that may accompany these consonants are not important [Ejibadze 2023: 235], the main semantic load falls on the consonants. These affixes are: formants t, n, which express reflexivity not only in Arabic, but in Semitic in general [сf. Гранде 1963:137]; formant s and its further reduction product hamza, which express causal content; All these formants are known since the pre-Classical period and are prefixes.
In more detail: Forms V and VI are produced by the prefix t-, which in the literary language is followed by the vowel -a- (tafa‘‘ala, tafā‘ala), and in dialects is preceded by the vowels i- or e-, and sometimes is presented without a vowel (itfaḍḍal/eftaḍḍal/tfaḍḍal). All such forms are functionally identical to each other and only differ in sociolinguistic nature.
These vowels serve to facilitate pronunciation, the fact that Arabic (Semitic) prefers a word to start with a complex CV- or VC- (rather than a complex CC-).
In the form VII we have the reflexive prefix n-, preceded by i- (with the same prothetic function): inkasara “it broke”. By the way, the fact that only the consonant element actually has a content-functional load is also confirmed by the fact that such a vowel always falls (“goes” into waṣla) if it is preceded by a vowel: fa-nkasara “and it broke”.
In the form X we have two prefixes at the same time: s- and t-. Of these, s is pre- Classical š > s. In other words, the istaf‘ala we know today functioned in the form of tašafa‘ala in the pre Classical Era [Юшманов 2017:24]: tašafa‘ala > tasafa‘ala; after that, metathesis took place: tasafa‘ala > satafa‘ala. Since the prefixes sa- and is- are functionally identical (see above), one of them was established in the literary language with the form is-: istaf‘ala.
The marker of the form IV is the prefix ’a-, known to us from the literary language, in which the main consonant element is also the next stage of the reduction of the causal š: š > s > h > hamza: šafa‘ala > safa‘ala > hafa‘ala > ’afa‘ala > ’af‘ala [cf. Юшманов 2017:24].
Forms II and III, as is known, are produced without such formants: by gemination (strengthening; fa‘‘ala) of R2 and vowel extension of R1 (fā‘ala).
It turns out that all the principal derivative forms which are composed with a consonant formant, are chracterized by prefixation, except the form VIII, in which we have the infixation: if-t-a-‘ala.
In General, infixal production is possible in Arabic; This is how forms XII, XIII, XIV and XV are produced: XII‒ if‘aw‘ala, XIII‒ if‘awwala, XIV‒ if‘anlala, XV‒ if‘anlā. In these forms, the consonants w and n appear as infixes.
Here, we should remember that there is one group of consonants in Arabic that can be conditionally called “amorphous” consonants: these are “weak” consonants w, y, as well as hamza, n, h. These consonants are easily replaced, easily fall out of the composition of the word or easily appear in it. Infixation of consonants of this type is common in the language, not only in verbs, but also in nouns [for “amorphous consonants” in detail, see: Ejibadze 2023: 79-93]. But it is quite another matter to infix a stable consonant such as t in Arabic. As far as I remember, the form VIII is the only case of infixation of stable consonant in the language. And an explanation should be sought for this.
Indeed, there was no such infixal form in the pre-Classical variant. Instead, there was a form tafa‘ala, which represented a reflexivity of the first, initial form [Юшманов 2017:24]. This pre Classical variant is preserved in the dialects: itfa‘al. As we have seen above, itfa‘al and tafa‘ala are functionally equival forms. Therefore, pre-Classical tafa‘ala and modern itfa‘al are one and the same.
We have already seen above that in the form X we had a case of metathesis: tašafa‘ala > tasafa‘ala > satafa‘ala > istaf‘ala. In general, cases of metathesis are known in Arabic: mil‘aqatun > ma‘laqatun “spoon”, sulaḥfātun > suḥalfatun “turtle”, etc. A similar metathesis should have occurred in the form tafa‘ala: tafa‘ala > *fata‘ala > ifta‘ala.
Therefore, it turns out that our “exeptional” infixation of stable t did not exist at all in the source variant, but we had the usual suffix production with the reflexive formant t. And metathesis gave us the effect of the illusion of infixation. In the above groupings of vocalic patterns, forms VII and VIII appear together: infa‘ala, ifta‘ala. They also appeared together in the pre-Classical variant: nafa‘ala, tafa‘ala, and both expressed the reflexivity of the first initial form. Another related question is: why form I required two reflexive correspondencies. The greatest diversity
of semantic distribution is characteristic of form I; accordingly, only one type of reflexive shade appeared not sufficient, and the functions were distributed: nafa‘ala ‒ himself, tafa‘ala ‒ for himself [Юшманов 2017:24].
Finally, we can conclude, that a) the form VIII, which represents an exeption of aninfixation of a stable consonant in the literary language, is prefixation by its origin, and b) this variant of prefixal production has been preserved in Arabic dialects in the form of itfa‘al.
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ეძღვნება პროფესორ თინათინ მარგველაშვილის ხსოვნას (1924 – 2006) / Dedicated to Memory of Prof. Tinatin Margvelashvili (1924 – 2006)
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აღმოსავლეთმცოდნეობა №13, თბილისი, 2024, გვ. 58-63 / Oriental Studies №13, Tbilisi, 2024, p. 58-63