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Lobbying in Georgia
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2019-06) Kevkhishvili, Mariana; ქევხიშვილი, მარიანა
The study is focused on the influence of non-governmental organizations on the public policy in the period of “Georgian Dream – Democratic Georgia” governing. According to my judgement, in the conditions established by the new government starting from 2012, NGOs have been out of the capacity to influence the law-making process in the country. My judgement is backed up by the fact, that the leader of the party Bidzina Ivanishvili, according to his own words, has a sceptical attitude towards the third sector. In his speeches, he often attacks NGOs, relevantly, the majority of the Georgian Parliament, giving consideration to his judgements and attitudes, does not adopt the draft laws advanced by NGOs or does not take their remarks and substantiated opinions into account in the process of adoption of laws. The main goal of the study is to determine the level of influence, that the non-governmental organizations, engaged in advocating politics, have on the law-making process. We studied the issue of the adoption/rejection of the draft laws presented by NGOs to the parliament of Georgia in the years 2012-2018. The study covered the extent, to which non-governmental organizations managed to achieve the desired results for the draft laws advanced by them. In this process, studying the Georgian media is important, as it shows the attempts exercised by NGOs toward making this or that issue a subject of awareness and importance in the society. Their messages are directed toward both, mobilizing the public attention and bringing the relevant information to the knowledge of the members of the government. Therefore, the third sector is trying to lobby the issue through the mass media and obtaining the desirable decisions from the policy-makers. The question to be studied is: what is the level of influence, the non- governmental sector has upon the law-creating process in the period of the Georgian Dream government? Baumgartner and Jones' punctuated equilibrium theory and the path- departing change model were used as the theoretic framework. These theories explain the model of policy changes. According to the punctuated equilibrium theory, the long period of policy-making stability may be interrupted by a drastic change in a critical moment. But the players supporting status-quo are stronger than those voting for the policy changing. Although the successful campaign of advocating carried out by the policy course change supporters cause change of the status-quo. To study the Georgian media, we used the Framing’s method, that studies the way journalists separate out political information and get it ready for presentation before the public. They naturally create frames, when they bring news and narratives to our notice, thus creating a public opinion. Through these frame issues are given specific contents by way of underlining, interpretation and deduction. Content analysis was used as the method for this study. Through this method we studied the information published on the web-page of the Georgian parliament, concerning all the draft laws advanced and proposed by non-governmental organizations and the Georgian media reporting political issues.
Routinization of Conflict in Ukraine as a Security Dilemma
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2019-06) Güç, Kürşat; გუჩი, კურშატ
The conflict in Ukraine left behind its fifth year. The clashes that caused the deaths of thousands of people and hundreds of thousands of internally displaced people are the sources of the political and humanitarian crises in Eastern Europe and the Black Sea. Although the conflict situation and territorial instability in Ukraine may seem like a major security problem for the country, the Ukrainian political decision-makers are also benefiting from the impasse of the problem. Because Ukraine uses Russia's so-called intervention in conflicts to obtain the support of the West. Thus, it is thought that the conflict would cause the West, especially Europe, to embrace and support Ukraine against the aggression of Russia. Thus, with the support of the West, Ukraine will prevent the entire country from entering the sphere of influence of Russia. Ukraine, which wants to use the image of the “expansionist and aggressive Russia”, which is created by the routine conflict, in the negotiation processes with the West, is about to disregard a part of the country and guarantee the rest. But this situation has been shaking the process of entering the European Union, which Ukraine has been looking for a long time. The European Union does not want to include a country which has lost control in a certain part of its borders and whose territorial integrity is unclear and there is a possibility of a hot conflict at any time. Therefore, the political uncertainty and conflict in both the Donbass region and the Crimea, on the one hand, will provide Kiev with external support and partial security, while at the same time deeply shaking the European integration process, which will provide full security. This is a paradoxical conclusion for the security of Ukraine.
The Constituent Assembly of Georgia and the Batumi Oblast
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2019-06) Orjonikidze, Tamar; ორჯონიკიძე, თამარ
The Constituent Assembly of Georgia (1919-1921) is the most important stage in the history of Georgian Parliamentarianism. The study of its experiences is multifaceted and interesting, including the care of the restoration of territorial integrity of Georgia. During the first year of the work of The Constituent Assembly the jurisdiction of the Democratic Republic of Georgia did not apply to Batumi Oblast and Batumi Oblast was only returned to Georgia in July 1920. The Constituent Assembly systematically reviewed the issues of “marginal regions” and including the Batumi Oblast, the existing situation and the issue of their status in the state of Georgia. The work is prepared on the basis of the content analysis of the Stenographic Reports of The Constituent Assembly of Georgia (1919- 1921). The study showed, that in 1919 the condition in the Batumi Oblast was discussed on 7 meetings and in 1920 during 6 meetings of The Constituent Assembly. As a result of the survey the problems that were discussed in the respect of the mentioned Oblast are revealed. It was primarily to prevent the activities of hostile forces operating in the Batumi Oblast and to aid the development of a special state policy for integration the Batumi Oblast and its population into the Democratic Republic of Georgia. For the Batumi Oblast in accordance with the request of local political forces of Adjara, it was considered necessary to introduce autonomous governance in the composition of the Democratic Republic of Georgia. The issue was discussed at the sessions of the Constituent Assembly as well as on the session of the constitutional commission established by the Constituent Assembly, which was included in the 1921 Constitution of Georgia under the relevant Article (107). The separate regulation of autonomous governance should be developed separately (Article 108). The paper discusses the debates on this issue. Based on the biographical analysis, it was shown that three residents of the Batumi Oblast (Heidar Abashidze, Osman Mikeladze, Kadir Shervashidze) were members of the Constituent Assembly. It is important to consider the fact, that neither the main nor the additional elections have been held in Batumi Oblast. The work deals with the activities of these individuals in the Constituent Assembly. The Batumi Oblast was the last region of Georgia, which remained in the hands of the Georgian government during the February-March War of 1921 and was also a place, where the Constituent Assembly of Georgia completed its work. The last meeting of The Constituent Assembly was held in March 17, 1921 in the City Council building in Batumi. Based on the resolution, the Government of Georgia under the supervision of Noe Zhordania was granted the authorization. Afterwards he went into emigration to protect the interests of Georgia.
Turkey’s Integration to European Union in Terms of Occupational Health and Safety and Transformations in Work Life
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2019-06) Arpat, Bulent; არპათი, ბულენტ
In 2012, the Law No. 6331 Occupational Health and Safety Law entered into force in Turkey with the European Union directive no 89/391/EEC, dated 12.06.1989. Upon this development, ILO contracts, no. 155 and no. 161, were added to the Turkish employment legislation. Up until 2012, Turkey has had a compensation-based approach with regards to occupational health and safety. In this approach, Turkey is mostly behind the EU legislation and practices on the prevention of occupational accidents and diseases. The main characteristics of the new approach adopted with the Law No. 6331 are the establishment of continuous improvement and prevention policy, the participation of employees to management, and continuous training of employees and their representatives on determined issues. The most important part of the EU integration in occupational health and safety legislation is to have the employees covered. The legislation before 2012 had very little employee coverage. With Law No. 6331, people in different employee statuses are now included in the legislation's scope regarding occupational accidents and diseases. The most important feature of the new period, which started with the entry into force of Law No. 6331, is that it has implemented a country policy supported by social parties and other stakeholders. The workplaces were classified during this period into “less dangerous”, “dangerous”, and “very dangerous” in accordance with NACE(Nomenclature générale des Activités économiques dans les Communautés Européennes); and employer responsibilities were determined in increasing levels according to this classification. The most important element of the preventive approach in the new period is the obligation for “Risk Assessment”. Risk assessment can be defined as determining the risks in the working environment and make the threats, that employees may face, known in advance. The aim is to prevent occupational accidents and diseases before they occur. The weakest group with regards to occupational health and safety are subcontracted workers. It is known that a great number of work accidents originating from the lack of coordination between the sub-employer and the principal employer are recorded. Law No. 6331 guarantees the coordination of the sub-employer and the principal employer by introducing healthy conditions. Ensuring integration to the EU in occupational health and safety legislation in Turkey also brings new improvements in working life. While dependent employees are not able to effectively exercise their right to work, because the subcontracting method is a pervasive employment model, the regulation in 2018 put about one million subcontractors working in the public sector into the permanent status. In all sectors, new maternity leave and wage rights for working women have been put into effect. Pensioners' economic rights have been improved by giving them two bonuses each year. In the resolutions currently discussed in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, improvements in the personal rights of many public employees are addressed. Turkey addressing the occupational health and safety regulations with the aim of integration into the EU has opened the doors to many substantial improvements in working life that are revolutionary. This study aims to evaluate the new working life rights that were introduced with the integration of occupational health and safety into the EU and continued with the domino effect within the context of the EU acquis. In the study, the transformation of working life starting with Law No. 6331 until today will be discussed with all its phases. This study highlights the essential effects of Turkey’s integration efforts to the EU on the improvement in working life.
Exponential Capacity of Power and its Impact on Military Alliance Dynamics
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2019-06) Esitashvili, Nikoloz; ესიტაშვილი, ნიკოლოზ
The Cold War ended in 1989, yet the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) endures despite the disappearance of the Soviet Union—the principal rival that prompted the military alliance’s formation1 and purportedly warranted its endurance for over four decades.2 Moreover, the number of cooperative programs has steadily increased after the Cold War and currently, the US and its allies are cooperating in over 20 military programs.3 The enduring capacity of NATO is, indeed, a puzzling political event and a counterintuitive development regarding the internal logic of military alliance theory4. The central goal of the study is to find out why the cooperation among NATO members has endured and even increased since the end of the Cold War. The proposed study aims to advance an important theoretical contribution to the literature on military alliance theory. Its aim is to show, that the political economy of military production, a variable generally omitted when explaining military alliance dynamics, might be among important causal factors influencing the alliance decisions of states. The study employs a mixture of quantitative and qualitative methods to find out why NATO members continued and deepened their military cooperation after the Cold War, in the absence of an external or extra- alliance threat. The explanation is based on the compatibility of interests among great powers and political economy of military production: the size and extent of scale economies, economies of scope, learning-by- doing and escalating R & D costs. The variables are measured with data available in industrial censuses and national trade statistics. Because there are only a few cases, the study employs the focused method of comparison in order to shed light on the compatibility of national interests of NATO members after the Cold War. The applied method is to be mixed with intensive case study approach to learn in depth about the states’ military and economic interests and alliance decisions they took. Such an approach allows to extract similarities and reach specific generalizations and conclusions.
Peculiarities of Social Protest Formation in Georgia
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2019-06) Karaia, Tamar; ქარაია, თამარ
In post-Soviet Georgia government and society experienced a long way of confrontation. The Lack of legitimacy of the government, the weakness of political institutions, as well as social-economic and political problems were the main factors, that provoked a protest lead by the politicians - aimed to resign the government and gain power. In this protest citizens where part of decoration. Nowadays we face an upraise of various social groups and transformation of the protest repertoire from resigning government to policy change. This process can be observed from 2012, since a change of the government launched new windows for opportunities. Contentious movements including ecological, labor, LGBT, marihuana decriminalization make their voice heard, collect followers, close protest stage for politicians from opposition political parties, confront or collaborate with the decision makers and trying to reach their goals using different kind of strategies. Alongside to this process, the floor for the anti-governmental political pretest has disappeared. Above mentioned changes mostly influenced the demands and the topics of protest movements. If previous movements reach their goals through a change of government, contemporary protest movements aim to change policies. This process, from our point of view can be discussed as an indicator of positive changes toward the attitude to the political institutes. We will analyze the dynamics of the protest movements in 2003-2018. This timeframe includes a period of mass protest (2003-2010); appearing social groups and launching their protest (2010-2012; 2015-2018) and a perod of silence (2013-2014). Within the research, we rely on the theory of structural functionalism, so called “windows of opportunities” (Tilly, Tarrow) that attempts to explain that movements are conditioned by the social and political situation, while the uprising of movements can be explained by the decrease of trust and influence of political parties. The main aims of this research are to analyze: factors of protest transformation; how and why developments of various social groups where provoked how these social groups are trying to transform themselves to the political elite, to influence on the solution of the issue.
What is Hybrid Warfare and Its Geostrategic Aspects (Fourth War Generation) – Cyber War Case-Study
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2019-06) Maisaia, Vakhtang; მაისაია, ვახტანგ; Mikadze, Miranda; მიქაძე, მირანდა
The hybrid war is one of the main tools of the "New Generation War." At time being, with consideration of new realities, linked with contemporary international security processes, a war game modulation has been transformed into a new dimension – the introduction of a Fourth Warfare Generation associated with the Hybrid Warfare theory and strategy. Concrete cases of Hybrid Warfare are the occupation and further annexation of Crimea peninsula by the Russian Federation from Ukraine and the so-called “Green Men” affect. Crimea's annexation has caused a threat, that Russia might create a preemptive military presence in any country, and in addition hostilities in the conditions of a hybrid war in Syria's regional war. Moreover, it is clear that war game scenarios are developing and wagging not only in 3-D formats but also in a 4-D format, meaning: land-sea-air- space (cyber). This type of warfare is also determined by the factors linked with non-visible areas and aimed at dwelling on frustration and defragmentation of a foe’s cultural values and focusing on the inferiority on information channels and flows. The viral warfare in cyber warfare is also a variety of the hybrid warfare, called the cyber war. The cyber war is a new threat to national security. The general directions of military strategic parameters of the hybrid war can be presented as follows: • not physical, not moral and political defeat; • combined, coordinated, open and hidden use of terrorism, criminal and cyber combat techniques of Combined Martial Tactical Elements. The purpose of our report is to study the concept of "hybrid war" and to discuss its geostrategic aspects in the conceptual framework of cyber war. For this purpose, it is necessary to research this topic. This will give us an opportunity to find out more about the issue of hybrid war and its geostrategic aspects on the example of the cyber war. We will mainly use qualitative research methods, namely, the review of literature, through which we will develop the theoretical framework of the research and the case study analysis will help us to inspect the real facts in a better way.
The Impact of European Integration on Montenegrin Politics and Society
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2019-06) Vukićević, Boris; ვუკიჩევიჩი, ბორის
Montenegro is the smallest of all former Yugoslav republics, and the last to become independent, in 2006 (except for Kosovo, whose status is still a matter of dispute). The European integration is an important topic on Montenegrin political scene, and, actually, it was an important topic in the discussions surrounding the referendum on independence in 2006. Ever since then, Montenegro is in the process of joining EU which is the most important goal of the country’s foreign policy and probably the only one which is, at least nominally, adopted by all political parties. Since Montenegro passed through tumultuous 1990s as a part of the internationally-isolated union with Serbia (led by Slobodan Milosevic at the time), while it was kept out of outright war, it still entered the new millennium economically, politically and culturally underdeveloped and far, not only from the EU-standards, but also from its own standings back in 1989. European integration gave impetus to various reforms Montenegro has been passing through since (re)gaining independence. It can be regarded on different levels – as mentioned before, it marks a unifying goal in the still highly divided nation. It also helped many reforms in legislation in order to harmonize a mostly communist-era legal system with the EU legislation. It also helped political changes in a country that still has to oversee the democratic transfer of power (the ruling party, DPS, originates from the League of Communists). On that very field the impact of European integration is huge, but it remains also the most vulnerable point for Montenegro. The EU integration (as well as NATO accession) also aided in setting up stronger economic ties with the Western countries, and the rise of Western investments and number of tourists from the EU visiting Montenegro (where tourism remains a very important source of income). This is contrary to the previous decade when Russian and Serbian tourists, as well as Russian, Turkish, Arab and Azerbaijani investments dominated. The foreign policy of Montenegro also saw a shift, which led it away from its historic alley, Russia, and firmly into the Western orbit to an extent, that it is being labelled by detractors of its foreign policy as a satellite without a will of its own). Overall, the impact of the European integration process on Montenegrin society and politics remains strong and is mostly beneficial for the country’s interests and its future development. The goal of this paper is to evaluate the role of European integration in Montenegrin politics and Montenegrin society as a whole, by analyzing available data and relevant papers on this matter.
Projecting Ideal Selves: EU’s and Russia’s Competing Cultural Narratives in the Post-Soviet Space
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2019-06) Valenza, Domenico; ვალენზა, დომენიკო
This article attempts to analyse the European Union’s (EU) and Russia’s cultural diplomacy in the post-Soviet space (Eastern neighbourhood and Central Asia) and in particular their cultural narratives in the region. At the EU policy level, awareness of the role of cultural relations has risen sharply in the past decade, and in 2016 a more precise European approach to the role of culture in external relations was issued for the first time in a joint communication by the European Commission and the High Representative (EC and EEAS, 2016). In the Eastern Neighbourhood cultural relations have been an integral part of bilateral and multilateral agendas, and the EU has developed a sound experience in supporting the cultural sector. As the other key regional player, Russia’s soft power rationale arose in the aftermath of the colour revolutions in order to counter western activities and enhance Moscow’s image. This quest for attraction resulted in a number of policy initiatives and in the creation of a number of public and mixed agencies dealing with cultural goals. To analyse EU’s and Russia’s cultural narratives it is proposed to apply Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) theory and methodologies (Fairclough & Fairclough, 2012) to a selection of key legal and policy documents from European and Russian key institutions and agencies, together with political declarations released in pan-European and Russian media. Overall, this study hypothesises that the EU and Russia promote two contrasting approaches to cultural diplomacy in the region. Whereas the EU seeks co-creation and mutuality and targets the civil society sector, Russia displays a nexus of culture and security and the broader idea that cultural difference leads to conflict. Somewhat close to Huntington’s analyses (1997), to ensure its national security Russia portrays itself as ‘doomed’ to lead and reshape its neighbourhood through its culture and spiritual values. Similarities nevertheless appear when it comes to the way ‘others’ are depicted: in both actors’ narratives, civil society and broader foreign people are not synonymous with the best-representative sample of post-Soviet populations, but rather a cherry-picked selection of those forces and grouping that uphold European or Russian (and Eurasian) values.
Crisis of Democracy and a New Class in Georgia
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2019-06) Darbaidze, Eka; დარბაიძე, ეკა
Gender equality can’t be achieved without women's economic strengthening and their equal involvement in economic activity. Economic empowerment of women is measured with their equal participation in the labor market and equal access to the resources. So, equal labor rights, as a precondition for equal participation in the labor market, are an essential component for the economic empowerment of women and gender equality. The neoliberal economic policy in the context of economic globalization is contributed to create a new class structure, that the British researcher Guy Standing called “Precariat”, which is characterized by new types of relationships and more and more instability in relation towards this class, while distributing wealth. Precariat is a new social class, whose representatives are forced to work in low-paid, unstable and temporary services, without any social insurance and even without maternity leave. Often, the representatives of the precariat class, are women who are forced to accept jobs like this. Neoliberalism is characterized with subordination, exploitation, and control towards women. The "new economy" discourse, which is idealizing "creative workers", often makes it possible to hide its’ “precariatizm”. Characteristics for the majority of jobs in global capitalism are: the precarious of women's work, fragmentation, low status and low payment accordingly. The techniques of neoliberal governments allow the “Precariat” to be permanent and continuous. For a long period of unemployment, in Georgia many women suffered with disqualification and were forced to move to the unregistered, self- employment field. Many of them have come out of the labor market, i.e. in the informal sector - "shadow economy", where they work without any safety and their rights are grossly violated. Families, who do not have the conditions to create a livelihood, especially in rural areas, to support their family and children are forced to move to large cities or abroad to find jobs, where they can’t meet the needs of the labor market and are under risk to be involved in various informal activities. In large cities of Georgia, legal rights of women, especially of those who are employed in cafes, bars, restaurants, shops and booths, are often violated and they have very difficult conditions at work. The main goal of our research is to study the current condition of women employed in the labor market of Georgia; How the existing national legislative framework helps the establishment of gender and social equality in the labor market; How Georgia's labor law protects employed women, in this case, the rights of women employed in our target group - service centers, and whether the national legislative framework guarantees their protection.
Adoption of the Coastal Zone of the Black Sea in Georgia Based on the Principles of Blue Economy
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2019-06) Melikidze, Valerian; მელიქიძე, ვალერიან; Chkhaidze, Vladimer; ჩხაიძე, ვლადიმერ; Kobaidze, Salome; კობაიძე, სალომე
One of the most important resources for the sustainable development of Georgian economy is the coastal zone of the Black Sea which has to be developed under the principles of blue economy. The term of blue economy is a new concept for Georgia which is oriented to the sustainable development representing the extension of the concept of green economy in the water areas of the seas and oceans. Blue economy emphasizes on the rational utilization of the existent resources and maintaining the sustainability of the specific eco-system. The priorities of blue economy are: Fishing industry, Aquaculture, Fishery resources, Marine and coastal tourism and the sea transportation. The objective of the given work is to evaluate and assess the natural and resource-related potential of the Black Sea coastal zone in Georgia, explore the biodiversity and estimate its current level of economic development based on the principles of the blue economy. The presented work is current and important as, on the one hand, it is preconditioned by understanding and implementing the principles of blue economy which is nominated as priority in the economic agenda of the European Union and, on the other hand, it defines and explores the capacity and potential of the development of this concept in the coastal zone of the Black Sea in Georgia as a whole and at the level of the municipalities of Zugdidi, Lanchkhuti, Khobi, Poti, Ozurgeti, Kobuleti, Batumi and Khelvachauri. The development of the coastal zone of Georgia according to the principles of the blue economy has to become an integral part of the social and economic politics of Georgia. The work researches the capacity of nature and the potential of resources on the coastal zone of the Black Sea in Georgia, it also concentrates on the marine and land biodiversity. Moreover, it assesses the existent conditions of economic development and the prospects for the future implementation. The paper focuses on the major economic activities realized in the coastal regions. The four leading sectors operating in the coastal zone of the Black Sea in Georgia are: Private sector, Public, Non- Governmental Organizations and educational/expert and their knowledge and awareness to share their competence and preparedness to implement the principles of the blue economy are assessed and explored. The research incorporates several methodical combinations. On the first stage of researching the relevant scientific literature is reviewed. Statistical data of the National Statistics Office of Georgia are analyzed, the database of the entrepreneurs is learnt and the investigations of the bordering countries of the Black Sea and the Mediterranean are elaborated. On the basis of the analysis of the secondary data the questionnaire of the empirical research is structured and afore-mentioned four target groups are stood out. In the process of research, the awareness regarding the blue economy and related realized activities and future perspectives are salient. The semi-structured interviews used on the first stage served to find the competent interviewees in the field of blue economy to then hold in-depth interviews respectively.
The Role of the Polish Red Cross as a Non-Governmental Organization in the Social Sector
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2019-06) Rynkowska, Dorota; რინკოვსკა, დოროთა
One of the characteristic phenomena of the modern world is the growing importance of non-governmental organizations. In the case of developed capitalist societies, where NGOs are a permanent and significant element in the space of social institutions, they view the base for the social economy, whereas in the post-socialist countries the third sector takes on a completely new dimension with which hopes for the development of civil society are associated. Establishment, development and activity of non-governmental organizations should be treated as one of the main determinants of the development of civil society. Organizations referred to as this are the third type of state and market institutions that meet collective needs in the sphere of social services. In each case, non-governmental organizations are presented as significant entities of social policy. Inclusion of public sector institutions and non-governmental organizations in the process of creating local social policy is an element of building a civil society. For more than a dozen years, Poland has been in the phase of forming a new social reality, in which actions aimed at improving the situation of the weakest members of society are particularly important. The systemic transformations and difficulties related to them in many areas of life evoke and begin to reveal new needs and challenges, and consequently cause the necessity to undertake assistance activities towards the weakest social groups. Difficulties with finding a new social situation, especially the older generation, helplessness and inability to organize one's life, mean that an increasing group of people in the social welfare are in need of various forms of support. This broad social context becomes the determinant of organizing various forms of care, help, upbringing and social support for many needy social groups, including the elderly. Non-governmental organizations, complementing the institutional structure of the state, become an important element of social cooperation and self-help. Their main strengths include: independence of operation, accurate recognition of community needs and existing social problems, relatively low operating costs, the ability to use various sources of financing, and above all, the capital inherent in people who selflessly engage in the common good. Changes in contemporary social assistance cover various areas of its functioning. Of important among them is the organization of caring, nursing or activating activities, which are increasingly and more often carried out by non-governmental organizations. After many years, the non-governmental sector was in the field of interest of the authorities, both from the national and local level, and non-governmental organizations were included in the landscape of functioning in the local dimension as well as the entire social system. The basis for their implementation are still mostly employees and institutions of a public nature, but more and more often their activities are supplemented by non-governmental organizations, such as the Polish Red Cross or self-help institutions operating in the immediate environment of the mentee. Among the Polish organizations, associations and foundations dominate. One of such examples is the activity of the Polish Red Cross, which is the oldest Polish humanitarian organization that provides social services. The aim of the presentation is to present various forms and scope of assistance offered by the Polish Red Cross to its beneficiaries.
Issue of Minorities after the 2016 Parliamentary Elections Based (on the Analysis of the Ombudsman’s Reports)
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2019-06) Mikhanashvili, Inga; მიხანაშვილი, ინგა
One of the important issues for the Georgian state and society is protecting the rights of national minorities and promoting civil integration. In 2005, Georgia ratified the European Framework Convention on the Protection of National Minorities, which contains a number of important provisions, namely: the recognition of the equality of national minorities before the law and the prohibition of any discrimination; the state should create for national minorities the conditions for the preservation and development of their culture and the protection of the fundamental elements of their identity - religion, language, traditions and cultural heritage; national minorities should be protected from any action aimed at assimilating against their will. The Government of Georgia has also adopted the National Concept and Action Plan for Tolerance and Civil Integration in 2009, to promote civil integration. Various ministries and agencies are carrying out a lot of programs and activities in the six main directions – the rule of law, education and state language, media and availability of information, political integration and civic engagement, social and regional integration, culture and identity preservation. Based on the analysis of the Ombudsman’s reports, I have focused on the following issues of national minorities: preschool, general and higher education of national minorities; availability of study of the state language; full awareness of the population of the regions inhabited by national minorities; promoting the study of the native languages of small national minorities; the problems with the Roma community and the development of the culture of national minorities and preservation of their identity. In order to overcome this problem, it’s necessary to strengthen regional TV stations and prepare Armenian, Azerbaijanian and Ossetic programs, promoting the study of the native language of minor national minorities, problems with gypsy communities and other issues. At the same time in the presentation, using the comparative method, I will also analyze problems of the national minorities (according to the Ombudsmen reports) during 2012-2016 parliamentary elections and compare them. I’ll pay attention to the amendments made by the public defender’s recommendations. This topic is discussed in the context of the integration theory.
The Interaction Between Local Governments and NGOs in Disability Policy in Ankara
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2019-06) Leblebici, Dogan Nadi; ლებლებიჯი, დოღან ნადი; Babaoglu, Cenay; ბაბაოგლუ, ჯენაი
There are many important factors encouraging the non-governmental organizations’ (NGOs) participation in the generation and implementation of public policies, especially of disability policies. Many countries and organizations such as the European Union (EU), the United Nations (UN) and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) are trying to ensure a more effective and extensive participation of civil society actors in disability policies, as compared to other policy areas. The case in Turkey is also quite similar to those. Moreover, both international and national legislations support the effective and extensive participation processes in the area of disability policies in Turkey. Participation platforms for people with disabilities are developed by adopting the approach of transforming urban spaces into livable places for citizens with disabilities. And it can only be possible with the participation of people with disabilities in political, social and economic life. Non-governmental disability organizations try to be more effective on political pressure groups for issues of disability policies, especially on a local level. The aim of this study is primarily to examine the influence of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) on disability policies of the government in urban areas. Theoretical discussions have shown that public policies are generated by the participation of various actors within the society. Disability policies are also generated and implemented by these actors including NGOs. In this study, an urban area, the Ankara province, was selected to evaluate the influence of NGOs which are in the interest of disability issues on the generation and implementation of disability policy. Their involvement was examined within the legal and institutional context of participation mechanisms. The study aims at examining the policy participation in disability issues and it analyses the attitudes of actors towards public policy generation processes. In this context, interviews were conducted with urban administrators, and NGO managers who have disabilities. The findings showed that NGOs have certain problems of participation in disability policies. This study proposed a better participation model for NGOs in the generation and implementation of disability policy.
Comparative Analysis of Working and Rest Time Regulations in Georgia and European Union
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2019-06) Urotadze, Jaba; უროტაძე, ჯაბა
In 2014, the “Association Agreement” was signed between the European Union and Georgia, which aims at deepening political and economic relations between the parties. According to the Agreement, Georgia will approximate its legislation with EU law in different spheres, including decent working conditions. The “Association Agreement” has annexes, where there is a list of EU legal acts and Georgia has to gradually harmonize its legislation with these acts. The Labour Code of Georgia regulates labour and its concomitant relations in the territory of Georgia, unless they are otherwise governed by other special law (e.g. Public Service Law) or international agreements of Georgia. In 2006, within the frame of liberal social-economic policies, a new Labour Code was adopted, which significantly worsened the labour rights of employees. The process of elaboration of labour legislation should not be conducted only according to the wish to alleviate burden on business and ignore minimal safety and health requirements at work – this is against European values. In June 2013, significant amendments to the Labour Code were made, after which the labour relations between employer and employee became more balanced. Although, in order to approximate Georgian labour law with EU standards, there still are some legislative amendments to be made. In the research, special attention is paid to one of the central aspects of labour law – working and rest time. In Georgia, the upper limit of weekly working time (including overtime) is much higher than in EU member states; the employer is not obliged to ensure that, per each seven-day period, every worker is entitled to a minimum uninterrupted rest period of 24 hours; in relation to working and rest time, there are other discrepancies with EU standards. According to article 26 of the Constitution of Georgia, the right to safe working conditions and other labour rights shall be protected by the organic law; it is also mentioned that the freedom of enterprise shall be guaranteed. Therefore, it is important to keep an adequate balance between these two constitutional rights: the law governing labour rights should not impose an unbearable burden on the employer, which will hinder economic development and job creation; in the meantime, the government should ensure that the labour law will provide protection of health and safety at work according to the EU standards. In the research: a) EU Directives given in the “Association Agreement” and related to organization of working and rest time are studied; b) Several EU member states’ experience on transposition of relevant directives are studied; c) Comparative analysis of above mentioned legislation with Georgian labour law is conducted and recommendations are given to amend Georgian legislation on working and rest time.
A Caricature as a Mean of Visualization of the Nazi Editorial Policy and an Anti-Bolshevik Ideological Weapon
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2019-06) Shamilishvili, Manana; შამილიშვილი, მანანა
Our presentation for the conference deals with a topical issue. It focuses on the importance of the political caricature and its propagandistic function. A caricature plays a major role in informing the public and understanding topical socio-political problems critically. The ideological- political intensions of satirical drawings emotionally illustrate an image of a particular epoch. This form of self-expression is an effective weapon for an author to expose shortcomings of their time. It almost acquired a function of a documentary source in the totalitarian governance, when through a visual message it was possible to say anything symbolically, sarcastically or sometimes enigmatically what was prohibited and punishable. The sarcastic language acquired a special meaning during the Second World War when an artist who was critical to the Soviet system gave it a function of an effective weapon of a denunciator and fighter against it. This is clearly demonstrated by the cases of detainees charged with anti- soviet activities during the Second World War and the following period. We have studied them within the grant project “Bolshevism and Georgian Literature since the Beginning of the Second World War until the CPUS 20th Conference (1941-1956)” financed by Shota Rustaveli National Science Foundation. Based on the materials found in the Archives of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Georgia, we present the newspaper activities of those Georgian cartoonists, who fought on the side of Nazi Germany in order to free Georgia from the Bolsheviks. With the efforts of Georgian publicists and legionnaires gathered around the Nazi newspaper “Georgia” published in Berlin, the Anti-Stalin Campaign was widely disseminated aiming to free the homeland from the Bolshevik tyranny with the help of Nazi Germany. In the paper we present the exposing style of Georgian cartoonists on the basis of the analysis of the samples published in the newspaper “Georgia”. Despite the apologia of German Nazism, the visual material adapted to the editorial policy hid the idea of fighting for the independence of the homeland. In those propagandistic messages declared as visual narratives, the brutality of the Stalinist regime and the wish to fight against it were clearly seen. We have used “Four Theories of the Press” by famous American media researchers Fred. S. Siebert, Theodore Peterson, Wilbur Schramm, as well as William Hachten’s revolutionary concept of the press as a theoretical framework of the research. We have chosen the connotational semiotic analysis as a research method. In this way, the purpose of the use of the non-verbal semiotic system is better illustrated that aims to strengthen the messages delivered through the verbal code. In the end, reading the allegorical truth of the caricatures using this methodology, enables us to clearly show the picture of the epoch and to expose the violent attitudes of the Soviet regime.
The Role of Islam in Politicization of Religious Discourse in Northern Caucasus
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2019-06) Bibilashvili, Ala; ბიბილაშვილი, ალა
The Northern Caucasus region has a big strategic importance in Russian geopolitical space. It arranges the spacial contact between Russia and Caucasian States and supports Russia’s positions in The Black Sea and Caspian Sea regions. Peace building and stability in the Northern Caucasus region is considered as an important factor of security system creation not only in the Caucasus, but in the whole Eurasian area. After the collapse of the Russian Empire the people of the North Caucasus had a chance for reunion and creating the state based on the traditional national values. The republics of the North Caucasus recognized the Soviet government, but the main request from their side was the legalization of the Shariat and Adats /traditions/. Administrative reforms were held according to the political and ideological unifications, that were made on the next stage of the revolutionary changes. At the same time an ethno –territorial principle of the organizational and structural arrangement of the Northern Caucasus people were not violated. The dismantle of the Soviet Union and the creation of new sovereign states were the vain conditions for the “Parade of Sovereignties”. These things were the main factors for the Northern Caucasus republics and their people to express a national consciousness and opportunity to show their own points of views. The analysis of the ideological constants and value modifications of the social-economic development of the North Caucasian Republics show that after 90-s of the last century, mental construction of the north Caucasians the dominant idea was based on the principals of ethnic nationalism and ethnic self-determination. That dominant idea was connected to the political, governmental and business- structural development of the region. Permanently this idea has been changed by the radical fundamental Islamic ideology, determined by the concept of Imamat – the Islamic theocratic State and has been considerably expanded the role of the modernized Islamic trends and its influences. The presented article analyses the trends of religious influences on North Caucasian Republics and its indicators and parameters. The supporters of the modernized and radical Islam ideology preached a theoretical Islamic state, which would be based on social equality. Such egalitarian tendencies are considered as the main factor of the influence of the fundamental Islam. The article underlines the importance of the “Saint Islam” for the further social, moral, and value system development of North Caucasia as the alternative way against the Russian imperial conquerors and a symbol for the rebuilding of destroyed statehood, the basis and a fundamental part for building a social state. It played a major role in the development of the protest movements against Russia.
Electronic Propaganda of Ideological-Political Platforms in Modern Georgia (Ideological Profile of Internet Editions of Georgian National-Patriotic Direction)
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2019-06) Maisuradze, Nino; მაისურაძე, ნინო
The research studies four internet editions of Georgian national-patriotic direction existing in Georgia as well as those organizations, which keep in touch with society only through social pages. The research topic is on the radar screen because national-patriotic movements have recently become active. They use the internet and social websites to promote their own ideas. National-patriotic movements (as they called themselves) have been active since 2012, who often hold different meetings, marches, strikes, demonstrations and today they already represent one of the main parts of civil life. There are a great number of people who visit their official sites and subscribe to their Facebook pages. We often see them in various TV shows, including political ones, where they express their views openly. They were often the main topic and a matter of dispute of the news, especially since 2017 when the “Georgian March” was created. Activities of members of national-patriotic organizations are assessed differently. They are often criticized by other civil society representatives and are blamed for discrimination, infringing on others’ rights, subjecting verbal and physical abuse. National-patriotic organizations and their supporters are really famous for their radical activities and aggression. They share their belief, views, ideology with society from their own organization websites, official Facebook pages (It is worth mentioning that they often create fake accounts). The fact that they can plan a meeting of several thousand people in a short time through the internet edition or a Facebook page was proved by many aggressive meetings of “Georgian March”. By studying the internet editions of national-patriotic direction we can demonstrate the ideological-political platform of each of them and make their classification. It leads us to get a general picture of activities of Georgian national-patriotic movements, ideology, initiatives. And once more we can compare different internet editions of Georgian national- patriotic direction and clearly see similarities and differences between them. The more popular these organizations and their leaders become, the more necessary it gets to study and analyse their work, activities, websites and Facebook pages. This is one of the main subjects of our research. The research shows, how the ideology of representatives of national-patriotic organizations is given in the internet editions and how it gets to society. Do these organizations have any influence on the public and generally are they really national-patriotic organizations? The list of four studied internet editions of national-patriotic movements is the following: “The Royal of Georgia” - Georoyal.ge, “Georgian Idea” - qartuliidea.ge, “Kardhu” - kardhu.wordpress.com, “National Alliance of Georgia” - geonsm.wordpress.com. Apart from these four movements, we would like to categorize separately the national-patriotic organization, which does not have an own website, being active only on social networks and is famous for its radical activities. Today this category is the most popular one in Georgia. It must be noted that this movement is not busy with academic work and it is in strong conflict with other groups of society. A good example of this category poses the “Georgian March”. Despite this conditional classification, those national-patriotic movements, which were studied, are more active on social networks, than in internet editions. The reason may be caused by the fact, that it is easy to interact on social networks and also, you can mobilize a great number of people through Facebook. In addition to this, we have come to an interesting conclusion, that the majority of national-patriotic movements use their internet editions in order to reach a specific goal – to spread and strengthen an anti-western attitude in Georgia.
Media Psychology: Challenges of Competence-Based Curricula and Employment
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2019-06) Gersamia, Mariam; გერსამია, მარიამ; Toradze, Maia; ტორაძე, მაია
The purpose of this research is to identify the core competencies for media psychology curricula and common criteria, which employers consider in the process of employing media psychologists. The research holds significance for adjusting interdisciplinary educational programs and in particular, advancing media psychologists’ competency matrix (graduate program’s learning outcomes). This research answers the questions as it follows: 1. What core educational competencies/learning outcomes are to be met by media psychologists (by completing graduate level)? 2. According to what criteria (in employers’ opinion), knowledge and skill-based competencies media psychologists might be employed in Georgia? 3. What are the basic gaps and recommendations to be considered for adjusting higher educational programs? Employers from 35 organizations (media, marketing and research organizations, governmental and non-governmental agencies) in Georgia answered the close and open-ended questions in 2018. Media psychology is an emerging sphere and in Georgia it has already started to develop in an interdisciplinary context. The field might have a unique condition for development in the region for its unique media landscape: Georgian media managed to survive under omnipresent Soviet propaganda, but the legacy still looms large on the country’s media landscape. For now, Georgia is in a condition of so-called hybrid war and struggles with anti-western propaganda. According to the results, 71 % of employers do not have in staff media psychologists and up to 45 % wish to employ specialists with such competencies; there is a low awareness about media psychologists and 39 % still do not know if they want to employ them in Georgia. Still 75 % of employers would offer a trial period to them. The majority of the respondents (82%) answers, was that knowledge and skill based competencies with emphasis of psychology are critically important (61 %) or important (21 %) for journalists (in particular); 88 % of employers think that media employees should have a good understanding of the negative and positive phenomena/effects of Media (TV, Radio, Print and online) products, and that they should be ethical (reduce stigmatization and strengthening stereotypes, not use hate speech, etc.); They should know, how fake, biased news and propaganda effects peoples’ minds and their perception of reality. According to the research, the core competencies for media psychology curricula have been shaped. The research is a valuable resource for educators in modernizing educational programs by taking into consideration employment requirements and fine-tuning accreditation standards.
Access to Medicines for Pension Age Population in Georgia
(Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2019-06) Verulava, Tengiz; ვერულავა, თენგიზ
The pension age population belongs to the largest risk group within the insurance sphere. Healthcare for pensioners often represents catastrophic expenses and has become the major reason for their impoverishment. Families in Georgia spend about 60% of all their healthcare expenses on medicines, this being one of the highest rates across the world. There is some evidence that the high costs of medicines are due to a combination of factors, including insufficient usage/administering of generic medicines, lack or inadequate utilization of prescription mechanisms, insufficient financial limit for medicines within the state healthcare programs, and aggressive marketing by the pharmaceutical industry. The government has been trying to decrease the out-of-pocket spending via different strategies, including universal health coverage (UHC). Since February 2013, the Universal Health State Program came into force, targeting two million of uninsured citizens and providing a basic package for primary health care and emergency services. Pension age population form the largest at-risk group within the insurance sphere. The most rapidly increasing and unaffordable share of healthcare expenses falls upon medicines. This paper examines financial access to medicines and the satisfaction with the insurance policy within the Georgia State Health Insurance Program for pension age population. This paper examines financial access to medicines and the satisfaction with the insurance policy within the Georgia State Health Insurance Program for pension age population. Using a randomized selection method, 500 pension age persons were interviewed by means of direct questioning. According to the Social Service Agency, there are 45,455 pension age recipients of medical insurance in Tbilisi with a total of 673,183 pension age population across the country (National Statistics Service of Georgia, 2013). Out of the 500 persons (62.4% women and 37.6% men) interviewed. The sample population covered all the districts of Tbilisi. The interviews took place in clinics. The largest segment of the interviewed population was between the ages of 71-75 (35.2%). While the Georgia State Health Insurance Program for pension age population includes some compensation for medicines, medical insurance does not provide guarantee for financial accessibility to medical service. The results show that out-of-pocket payment is the most common health financing mechanism in Georgia. The cost of healthcare for pensioners often represents catastrophic expenses and becomes the major reason of their impoverishment. Based on the results, medication expenses represent one of the most important components of the medical service for the insured pensioner population. Over 55% of the pensioners have to buy medications at least once a month and 34% purchase them at least once or twice a week. Most of the interviewed insured population believes that buying medicines, combined with low financial accessibility to relevant medical services, is the most significant problem for their families. The awareness level of the insured persons about medication coverage and payments for medical services provided by the insurance package within a certain limit is low. The majority of those interviewed (64%) stated that their out-of–pocket expenses exceeded this limit; 20.4% exceeded that amount by 80 GEL or more. The fact that 32.8% of the insured population cannot afford medications prescribed by their doctors also points out at low financial accessibility for medicines. The majority of those insured did not know that the insurance company compensates medicine expenses within the policy annual insurance limit. Additionally, 58.8% of those who have to pay for certain types of medical services covered by the state insurance program out of their pockets were not aware about the limits. Reduction of catastrophic healthcare expenses should become the chief aim of the government health policy. It applies to the high-risk population, those under the poverty line and the pension age population, as well as to those with chronic diseases. Accordingly, based on the findings, it is reasonable to expand the insurance program for the pension population and also provide more reasonable coverage of medication expenses.

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