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    Georgia’s Transit Corridor and its Neighboring Countries
    (2022-05-11) Dolbaia, Tamar; Urotadze, Jaba
    Since the early years of independence, Georgia has been involved in TRACECA (Transport Corridor Europe-Caucasus-Asia), established in 1993 at the initiative of the European Union in order to diversify transport corridors passing through Russia and promote the independent development of Post-Soviet states. Georgia’s favorable transport-geographical location at the crossroads of Europe and Asia creates beneficial conditions for the Transcaucasian corridor development. Georgia’s railway, sea, automobile and pipeline transports are fully involved in transport corridors. In the 21-st century, new transport flows passing through Georgia joined the Transcaucasian corridor: • Baku–Supsa and Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipelines; • Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum (Shah Deniz) and North-South (Russia-Georgia-Armenia) gas pipelines; • Baku-Tbilisi-Kars Railway, which is the part of “Iron Silk Road”; • Trans-Caspian East-West Middle Corridor. Georgia is interested in involvement in the transport corridor project “Chinese Initiative - One Belt - One Road” (BRI) and tries to persuade partner countries of the reliability, safety, cheapness and flexibility of routes passing through Georgia. China is looking for the shortest and most profitable routes to implement the project, while some other countries are trying to get involved in the project expecting to profit from transit cargo passing through them. In the research, issues of expediency of relocation to Georgian territory of cargo flowing from China and Central Asian countries to Europe via Russia are discussed; the turnover of the Transcaucasian corridor by types of transport is examined and the geography of cargo is discussed. Military and political conflicts hamper unhindered cargo flows. Thus, the relocation of cargo flows to the Georgian multimodal corridor will create increased safety guarantees for producer countries, while for Georgia, economic benefits from attracting cargo and increasing its volume will increase the budget revenues. To reach this goal, Georgia has to attract partner countries with guaranteed protection of the cargo, fast shipment, the safety of routes and high capacity
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    Myths about Stalin in Modern Georgian Politics
    (Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2021-06) Orjonikidze, Tamar
    There are no political forces in Georgian politics today that would use the word “Stalin” in their name, but this does not mean that the topic of Stalin has lost its political actuality. This is evidenced by the frequency of publications about Stalin in the Georgian press and heated debates, which periodically explode (for example, either in connection with the erection of a statue of Stalin in Gori, or vice versa, due to the intensification of the demand for the liquidation of communist symbols). In order to reveal the myths about Stalin, the report examines the publications about Stalin in the Georgian print press of 2020-2021. Articles about Stalin were regularly published in some newspapers (“Georgia and the World”, “Asaval- Dasavali”), and the monthly newspaper “Stalin” was published. The Georgian press is one of the most important sources for spreading myths about Stalin. Publications about Stalin are published in other newspapers on the occasion of the next anniversary of the victory in World War II and Stalin‟s birthday. The analysis of the Georgian press shows that there are spread mainly two types of myths about Stalin: in the first type of myths, Stalin is presented as a great politician who worked for the good of the Soviet Union; the second type of myth features Stalin, who took care of Georgia and did many things for its benefit. The first types of myths (“Stalin - the great politician”) were created in Russia and are based on memoirs of Stalin and works of modern Russian authors having publicist-historical nature. Myths about Stalin have been one of the mainstays of modern Russian state ideology since the 2000s. The basis of their transfer to Georgia is Stalin‟s Georgian origin - the idea is held that Georgians should be proud of Stalin, who headed the world‟s most powerful state and determined the fate of the world. The second types of myths, which talk about the steps taken by Stalin for the benefit of Georgia, are mainly based on the memories of Stalin‟s modern Georgian figures. These myths should show how well Georgia was as a part of a “great state” - Soviet Union. The weakest place to establish the image of “Stalin - the benefactor of Georgia” is the transfer of Georgian territories to neighboring countries after the Sovietization of Georgia in 1921. In this regard, it is noted that it is the fault of Lenin, to whom at that time Stalin could not resist. The active spread of myths about Stalin, the introduction of a positive image of Stalin in Georgia, the glorification of his deeds strengthen the anti-democratic movements, which occupy not so strong, but still important place in the political life of modern Georgia.
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    Party Cleavages in Georgia
    (Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2021-06) Lobjanidze, Goga
    The paper deals with one of the most topical phenomena of the dividing lines of the parties-(party Cleavages); The field of research is the modern political culture; The paper describes specific examples, characteristics of the impact on elections and the electorate, and many other aspects that determine the fate of elections, in the political culture, where there is a shortage of programmatic and ideological electorate. The theoretical framework of the research is based on G. Almond and S. Verba's concept of civic culture, which discusses the electoral system and electoral behavior at three dimension of political orientation( parochial, subject, and participant). In analyzing ideological and programmatic discourse, in the post-Soviet space and specifically in Georgia, where subordinate(subject) political culture dominates and there is no ideological and programmatic controversy, we rely on Lipsett and Rohan's theory of dividing lines to explain current events and expected outcomes. In Georgia, as in the post-Soviet republics, the loyal attitude of the electorate is influenced by the unreal image created by a political leader and populist, false promises; In this case, the theoretical basis is the work of Roger-Gérard Schwartzenberg‟s "L'etat Spectacle ", which provides the basics of image-making and political Personification, as well as a better understanding of the issue, we need to know Manin's research of the "Audience Democracy", which speaks of the performers of politicians, also speaks about the unrealistic image created by politicians and the electorate's loyal attitude towards the fake person. The scope of work is to look into the back stage of the politics, behind the iron curtains and bring the analysis of a state, as the democracy of auditorium as well as find out the response to the main questions regarding who are the real winners and why? What are the main differences between political parties, What motivates the electorate to vote for the specific political power? As for conclusions and results, It was also expected, in a society where the vast majority of the electorate is not aware of pre-election programs, Does not know or know, but does not match his ideological views of the party‟s views, which he supports, there is a logical assumption, which research confirms that the majority of voters, When making a decision, it is guided by the image of a politician, a leader, which is often the fruit of false,or it is temporary and consulting or image services. Through audio-visual aids, news broadcasters, and social networking, it is even easier for politicians to manipulate with a false image, due to voter loyal attitude and gets into deeper whirlpool of electoral opinion formation. In view of the abovementioned, the political leader himself is often the only or central dividing line between the parties, at this time the politician is the message and not the previous election program or the ideological course of the party. There is a complete shortage of ideological parties in Georgia, which was also revealed during the research. The party leaders and representatives themselves consider the ideological division as a time-consuming phenomenon and believe that they should not be bound by universal ideological visions, only a small part of the parties have a pre-election program. In Georgia, the vast majority of parties are concentrated around the leader and through image-making and personification as all-encompassing (catch-all party) parties, they reach the maximum segment of the electorate and are not limited to stratifying either the programmatic or the ideological electorate. A qualitative polls conducted throughout Georgia (before the parliamentary elections of 2020) showed that the majority of parties that have a different (declared) ideology in relation to other parties, Their programatic part is completely identical and even in programs it is difficult to consider any goal or vision as a dividing line. The only difference in the programs of the existing parties is not the goal, but the means of achieving the goal; And a series of surveys borrowed from the NDI and the SRRS have shown that the party's main messageboxes address the most pressing issues facing the population in the run-up to the election, Even if it was completely and radically different from their ideology or previous programs. In conclusion, it can be said that in the Georgian reality, the main actors and parties, operating on the political scene are not systematized according to the concepts of ideological orientation and vision of the future. The pre-election rhetoric of party leaders is mainly based on populist promises of an immediate improvement in the socio-economic situation, and the choice of the electorate is based on unrealistic expectations.
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    Policy transfer: attempt for new classification and synthesis with policy change framework
    (Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2021-06) Tabatadze, Sandro
    Nowadays, policy transfer has become an integral part of the policy-making process (Dolowitz and Marsh, 2000). However, lesson-drawing has always been a character of earlier societies and states, due to globalization and mass communication, the issue of policy transfer has become the scope for both academics and decision-makers (Stone, 2010; 2012). It can be explained by the fact that it is linked to the policy-making process and ties with economic and socio-cultural issues, so scholars from different disciplines are interested in it. On the other hand, decision-makers and policy consultants see policy transfer as a lesson that to be taken into account to plan further plans. The academic literature on policy transfer has been summarized several times (Dolowitz and Marsh, 1996; 2000; 2012; Stone, 1999; 2004; 2012; Evans and Davis, 1991; James and Lodge, 2003; Evans 2004; 2009; Benson and Jordan, 2011; Dussage-Laguna, 2012). Authors focus on different issues and assess the heritage of the concept, the new directions in the field and propose further developments. It is noteworthy that discussion on policy transfer is rather theoretical than practical grounded with empirical evidence (Evans, 2006; Dussage-Laguna, 2012). The paper aims to summarize academic literature on policy transfer, critically reflect on the theoretical and empirical challenges and develop new directions that are crucial for both theoretically and practically. In particular, it presented the attempt for a new classification of literature on policy transfer. Instead of dividing authors on the basis of using or not using the term (classification of Dolowitz and Marsh (1996); Dussage-Laguna (2012)), we developed the two possible alternatives. Firstly, “variable dilemma” and from this point of view, publications can be divided into three parts: policy transfer as an independent variable; an an dependent variable and as both - independent and dependent variable. Also, the second alternatives relates to dichotomous classification, in particular, supporters and opponents of Dolowitz and Marsh‟s (1996) heuristic approach. In addition, the paper also includes the synthesis of policy transfer and policy change approaches: the ways are defined how policy transfer, as an independent variable, can be used with the three major and well-known paradigms (Punctuated Equilibrium Approach, Multiple Stream Approach and Policy subsystem) of policy change. The given attempt gives an opportunity to answer major challenges (including close-cycled and over-theoretical approach) that academic literature shows. Moreover, the new classification and synthesis with policy change try to maintain and develop new directions in the field that would be followed by interpretation of data from empirically conducted research and then, further develop or revise the thesis stated in the paper.
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    Modelling of postmodern urban space in contemporary Georgian painting
    (Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2021-06) Jishiashvili, Ketevan
    The postmodern paradigm of urban space marked with privilege of unreal over real space creates visual model characterized by multilayer and complex structure incorporating both real and unreal spaces. The dominant in such spatial model is not built structure but the very space where social interactions, networks and activities take place. The disintegration of the city into virtual space gives birth to completely different spatial perception where common postmodern tendencies are observed. Central among these tendencies is the fading of physical body of the city and strengthening of imagination. Levan Laghidze‟s painting style and his working process offers well thought concept of postmodern paradigm where objective enviornment of the city gives up its importance and moves to the human mental space where it is loaded with personal perception of individual. Thus, wiith urban fragments the viewer as a subject creates new, personally interpreted city image. L. Laghidze‟s art is an open text and just like literature texts are proposed for open interpretation. The reading of verbal or visual text is the practice of life itself. However, it could be transformed into interpretational reality only in case if author is able to provide relevant circumstances for reading and in the process of the reading - now and here. The common problem for modern era is the problem of communication with a viewer. To be able to read all the information of the city the viewer needs to be armed by certain conventions and information. Without them - without a communication language - it‟s impossible for individual to establish communication with permanently changeable space of he city. Freedom of constructing the space granted by the artist gives chance to a viewer to practice multiple possibilities of permanently widening meanings of visual image and places him in the mode of play. This method of cooperation between the artist and a viewer creates complex textual layer. In this process the viewer is a creator of a new space while the artist could be seen as a stimulant of the game. On the crossing of their interactions the complex and multilayer dimension – the postmodern spatial image - is created.
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    “Let's Defend My, Your, Our Batumi" - Social Movement to Save the Historic Look of Batumi
    (Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2021-06) Dundua, Salome; Karaia, Tamar
    In the history of independent Georgia civic activism has gone through an interesting path of development. Recently, the given activism has developed largely in the urban space. The preconditions for this have been accumulating for decades. Due to the difficult socio-economic situation, care for urban historical, cultural heritage and ecological health was less on the agenda. The re-urbanization of cities and the widespread idea of adapting to modern standards, which, among other factors, meant attracting investors and making significant investments in the development of the city, has led to the distortion of the historical monuments or entire historic districts in the urban space. These processes brought about a virtually complete depreciation of the urban fabric, which is historically, culturally and ecologically remarkable, and, on the other hand, resulted in civic activism. The cases of regional urban activism stand out, which we plan to discuss in this presentation on the example of the current civic movements in Batumi. Civic activism is developing around three locations in Batumi. These are Technological University, Batumi Boulevard and Batumi Riviera. All three projects are accompanied by the request for approval of the historical and cultural zone of Batumi. Batumi urban space has undergone many interventions recently, but in the report, we will review three main ones, which we think can be analyzed in a single context. These projects have several common features. In all of them, the interests of the developers are reflected and the government supports the implementation of the project (the first and third of which are supported by the people in power in the country, while in the case of Batumi Boulevard, developers cannot exceed the level of support of local authorities); All of them are opposed by civil activists and specialists in the field; And, most importantly, despite periodic successes, the issue of all of them is still unclear. All three cases selected for the study were developed in the same city, in the same period, and the actors involved were virtually the same, nevertheless, the results of these movements were different. Therefore, the research question can be formulated as follows: What were the main factors that contributed to the success/failure of the given movements? By using qualitative research methods (namely, in 2020-2021, 16 in-depth interviews were conducted with civic activists involved in the process, representatives of local government, academia and the media) we study the issue in the context of political mediation theory. This model, acting as a mediator between 'action and outcomes' (Amenta, E. et al. 1992), focuses on both the internal characteristics of the movement and the social and political environment outside the movement, as it believes that the combination of these factors influences on the success or failure of the movement.
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    Cumulative process of development of democracy in Georgia
    (Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2021-06) Dolidze, Valerian
    Using processual analysis and theories of democratization, author analysis and explains formation of political regime in Georgia. According to his hypothesis trough the development of political practice unequal level of development of components of democracy become more equal, which generates cumulative effect which puts the regime in the frame of democratic norms. Case of Georgia shows that uneven maturity of components of democracy provides acute contradictions between democratization and de democratization. Nevertheless development of components of democracy never seized even in the liberalized and electoral authoritarian regimes. Process of convergence of different levels of development of components of democracy enlarges institutional and normative base of democracy and increase their resistance to the authoritarian tendencies. Author separates element of democracy from its component. In his view the element of democracy- freedom of political behavior- underpins and is presented in the every component of democracy (political pluralism, freedom of press and etc.) Element and components of democracy influence and strengthen each other. Civil society in Georgia gained its strength after the development of freedom of media and political pluralism. Critical media increase the strength of civil and political societies and vice versa. The emergence of different components of democracy doesn‟t coincide in time. Emergence of opposition preceded adoption of democratic constitution and emergence of democratic elections and etc. In the authors view cumulative process is a process of increase of cumulative effect of different components of democracy through the process of the convergence of the levels of their developments. Development of democratic components faces domination of bureaucracy which is the main source of authoritarian tendencies and de democratization and tries to escape democratic norms of functioning to establish her domination over the society. But through the increasing of the level of equality in the maturation of democratic components space of her domination becomes narrow. Nevertheless democratic components are not so strong to resist intervention of bureaucracy in the politics. In the strengthening of democratic components in Georgia crucial role play USA and EU. They fulfill such function as: 1. Protection and a development of democratic components; 2. Generation of consensus; 3. Compensation of the weakness of inner factors of democratization; 4. Resistance to the authoritarian tendencies and de democratization.
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    World Religions in the Globalization and Information Age
    (Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2021-06) Berdzenishvili, Amiran; Ketsbaia, Kakha
    The report reviews the challenges in the interrelations of globalization, the information age, and traditional religions, especially the principal varieties of response to globalization as an objective process in the sphere of religions. It can be said that the globalization process has an international character, though due to its fundamental values, it is a western phenomenon; but we have to consider that contribution of Europe is not so big as that of America. And in a sense, Europe itself is under the influence of America, i.e. undergoes the process of westernization. The American interpretation of human rights and personal freedom, the principles of American democracy are more adequate to the new state of affairs. American attitude more rigidly rejects old traditional authorities and privileges than European paternalistic and particularistic attitude. Global values spread easily when traditional cultures are in crisis. Therefore, crisis and degrading of traditional cultures are no less dangerous than globalization. Global values destroy those political ideologies that have some links to religion, therefore, religions that are less politicized, react more adequately to this process. In these circumstances, a new type of globalization emerges – religious globalization. In fact, every religion should claim to be global, but in such cases, “natural religions” are replaced by an “artificial religion” whose claim on globalization is stronger. Thus, the only feature of the new concept – “contemporary global religiousness” – which is explicitly given is deterritorialization of religion. Any religion finds its adherents there where it has never been historically. Pluralism and eclecticism of religious views are met not only in various societies, but even at the level of individual consciousness. It is impossible for man, especially for a believer to remain calm in this situation. Men cannot subdue their protest when their interests are violated. Globalization brings not only positive but also rather painful changes and new problems. Therefore, it should be neither overpraised nor denounced completely. It is a process that unfolds objectively and we are unable to stop it. Nowadays this process prompts us a real program of action. Some sciences try to describe it, philosophy endeavors to understand it, and religion – to perceive and feel it religiously. Thus, religion reveals the most critical attitude to this process. It should also be noted that there is no uniform position to the globalization process either in religion or in society. In this case, it is not ethical when one part of the society (the westernized part) instructs others how they are to believe in God properly. It is not necessary that everybody becomes pro-American; it is desirable and important to make an independent choice within the mosaic variety of cultures. Contemporary scholars think that the problem of influence made on religion by the globalization process is one of the more or less studied and predictable problems. So is the situation abroad. But the situation, in general, remains uncertain. Various religions feeling the influence of globalization, form their own variants (peaceful and not very peaceful) of co-existence with it. Three positions are exposed as the research results: 1). complete or partial tailoring of the globalization process; 2). counter-globalization and criticism and 3). personal alternative; all of them are observed in almost all regions. The first position is found in Judaism, Catholicism, Protestantism,and Sunni trend of Islam; the second – in Islam and Russian Orthodox; the third – in Euro-Asian pagan and certain traditional trends within religions. Georgian Orthodox Church reveals a reasonable approach to the globalization process, the basis of which is understanding which will promote cultural and religious retention of identity. Considering the above stated, it can be said that interrelation of globalization and traditional religions takes various forms; globalization does not mean limiting of religions and religious feelings though in a sense it does mean their merging to a certain degree but without forming an “average religion”. This rather complex process of the interrelation of globalization and religions can revive the creative potential of religions, make them give more adequate and contemporary interpretations to traditional postulates since this is necessary for any religion which has a natural striving for self-preservation and self-identification. In the final part of the paper, it should be noted that generally, globalization does not contradict religious faith. Therefore, it is baseless to assume the disappearance of religions and religious features in the globalization epoch.
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    Influence of the European Conceptions on the Idea of a Nation in Georgia (1893-1917)
    (Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2021-06) Maisuradze, Nino
    1893-1917 years are characterized by complicated and unsteady social-political events in Georgian history. Formation of Georgian political parties has started since the 1890s. At the beginning of the 20th century Georgian political elite tried to develop political awareness. Some Georgian public figures needed to raise the political level so that they could prepare for a battle which was intended to regain independence throughout the country. Interestingly, they chose European politics in order to gain independence. For a theoretical basis, those Georgian public figures used famous conceptions on the idea of a nation by the European authors. Today people in scientific circles put a little emphasis on those European authors, who had a big influence on the people supporting Georgian national position during 1893-1917. However, in Georgian history, this is the period characterized by heated discussions about national issue, in which the opposing parties were the political parties. Studying the issue is connected to certain difficulties, because those Georgian public figures supporting national position, preferred the conceptions by different authors for maintaining their position. Nevertheless, we can put an emphasis on Ernest Renan, who was mentioned and discussed by the most popular part of the Georgian public figures holding the national position. At the beginning of the 20th century, the definition of the idea of a nation by Ernest Renan was quite popular in Georgia. It is also proved by the fact that “What is a Nation?” by Ernest Renan was translated twice by “Iveria” in Georgia: for the first time, in 1882 and for the second time, in 1901. Apart from Ernest Renan, while discussing influential European authors, we should not forget “Nation and Mankind” by Mikhako Tsereteli giving us an opportunity to study those European theories about a nation which were common at the beginning of the 20th century Georgia. One chapter of the paper entirely deals with the European theories spread in Georgia. The theories include authors such as Salomon Reinach, Ernest Nissi, Pasquale Stanislao Mancini, Johann Kaspar Bluntschli, Rene Worms, Gabriel De Tarde, Otto Bauer, Rudolf Shpringer... It is worth noting that part of the authors discussed in the paper were supported by the representatives of the political elite who were protecting the national position. One of those authors is Ludwig Gumplowicz, a popular representative of the so - called Social Darvinism. His theory is important for us, because apart from Mikhako Tsereteli, it was also discussed by Archil Jorjadze. Archil Jorjadze got acquainted with Ludwig Gumplowicz‟s ideas to analyse the connection between the origin of a nationality and a state. He partly shared Gumplowicz‟s position, that a state did not come from a society having equal rights. A state originated while strengthening inequility, where one group (minority) enslaved the second one (majority) by force and for keeping its supremacy, it created a violent organization, which is now called a state. Unlike Ludwig Gumplowicz, Archil Jorjadze contended that a state is a result of conquest of majority by minority, but this minority did not always differ from majority ethnically. At the beginning of the 20th century, Georgia was economically, socially and ethnically separated. At the same time, the national issue had to be solved in the country. In 1893-1917, apart from the Sixties‟s views, for those people protecting the national position, one of the main basis for ideological transformation was the nation theories written by European, especially West European authors. Contrary to Marxism spread by social-democrats, part of Georgian political elite tried to introduce Georgian society to all those theories, whose value was recognized in Europe. These conceptions could have some influence on developing society‟s national self-awareness. European thinkers views about the idea of a nation became a theoretical basis for Georgian politicians supporting the national position. Thus, it is impossible to analyse the formation of a nation in 1893-1917 Georgia without studying these conceptions and their influence.
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    Formation of Political Boundaries in the 20th century South Caucasus
    (Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2021-06) Gachechiladze, Revaz
    The process of modern state-building started in the South Caucasus after the revolutions оf 1917 in Russia. When signing the peace treaty with Central Powers in Brest-Litovsk (March 3, 1918) the Bolshevik government of Russia did not recognize the South Caucasus as an independent political entity in spite of existence of clear elements of statehood there and ceded parts of the latter‟s territory to the Ottoman Empire. The Ottomans, having clear military superiority, immediately intervened in the formation of the boundaries of the newly independent republics of Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Armenia. The treaties with Ottoman Empire (Batumi, June 4, 1918) following the clauses of Brest-Litovsk Treaty were harsh to Georgia and Armenia. Although the Ottoman Empire recognized its defeat by Entente in WW1 on October 30, 1918 the boundary pattern of June 1918 was to be discussed again two and a half years later. The relative weakness of the neighbouring powers from the end of 1918 till the spring of 1920 when Russia was involved in civil war and the nascent new Turkey fought with different forces gave the South Caucasus states a theoretical chance to divide the territory with stable political boundaries but they failed to achieve a consensus. During the break-up of an empire different approaches are being used by the new states emerging in its place, based on the principles of “ethnic settlement”, “historical territory”, or “imperial administrative-territorial division”. The first two principles are vague and more effective only in the case of a strong external po wer exerting its will, e.g. when the territory of the Austro-Hungarian Empire was divided among the emerging Central European states by the victorious Entente according to the Treaties of Saint-Germain-en-Laye (1919) and Trianon (1920). The principle of “imperial administrative-territorial division” had been used successfully in the cases of decolonization of Africa and dissolution of the USSR. While not considered as a just one by everybody, this principle is a certain means of avoiding boundary conflicts. The same principle was supported by the Georgian Democratic Republic in 1918-1920 and it was used as the base in Russia-Georgia Treaty of May 7, 1920. The principle was more or less acceptable to the Azerbaijani Democratic Republic and the least acceptable to the Republic of Armenia. The Soviet Russia which entered the South Caucasus in 1920-1921 encountered already formed political entities there. The boundaries of Georgia and Armenia with Turkey and a part of Armenia-Azerbaijan boundary were defined by the Moscow Treaty between Russia and Turkey (16 March, 1921). The results of Turkey-Armenia war of 1920 affected actual division as well. The administrative borders between the Union Republics of the USSR, which existed till dissolution of the latter in 1991, turned into the state boundaries.
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    The War of February-March, 1921 and the Constituent Assembly of Georgia
    (Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2021-06) Matsaberidze, Malkhaz
    The article deals with the concluding stage of activities of the Constituent Assembly of Georgia (1919-1921). Unfortunately, the stenography and other documents reflecting this stage of activities of the Constituent Assembly have not been discovered yet. The only source for this period is the newspaper materials and commemorations and recollections of those -days public figures. The Constituent Assembly had to adopt Constitution in the Spring of 1921 which would serve as a bases for the parliamentary elections. The new parliament had to be assembled on November 6, 1921, signalling the finalization of the activities of the Constituent Assembly; but the events had come in other way round. The attack of the Soviet Russia and its allies on the Democratic Republic of Georgia intervened in the peaceful activities of the Constituent Assembly. The country faced deadly events. From this period the two stages could be differentiated in the activities of the Constituent Assembly: law-making and organizational activities for the defence of the country under the conditions of the war. In spite of hard situation, the Constituent Assembly finalized the discussion of Constitution and adopted it on February 21, 1921, whereas on February 22 approved its French translation. With the adoption of constitution, the Constituent Assembly fulfilled its main task. The Constituent Assembly of Georgia rejected the idea of capitulation at the end of the war and according to the decree of March 1, 1921 the government and the presidium of the Constituent Assembly emigrated abroad endowed with special rights. They were tasked to wage war for the restoration of independence. The Constituent Assembly participated in the organizational activities of the defensive measure in many respects: a). At the sessions of the Constituent Assembly (15, 21, 28 February and March 17) and assemblies of its presidium the various issue related to the ongoing war were actively debated; b). The decrees of the Constituent Assembly condemned those forces which organized an attack on Georgia and the members of the Bolshevik „Revcom‟ were declared as outlaws; c). The Constituent Assembly adopted several statements addressed to the international society with a request of assistance on withstanding the aggression; d). The members of the Constituent Assembly visited the frontline to encourage citizens and warriors and to organize the defensive measures. If by the beginning of the war the Constituent Assembly had a joint spirit against the enemy, with the failures in the war several members of the Constituent Assembly, mainly representatives of the opposition fractions, decided to support the Soviet government with the hope that the Bolshevik regime would keep its promise to defend the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Georgia. A portion of the members of the Constituent Assembly emigrated, whereas those who stayed in Georgia were repressed by the Soviet regime. With the adoption of the Constitution and with its struggle for the independence the Constituent Assembly created legal foundations for the restoration of the independence of Georgia.
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    Covid-19 Infodemic and Fake News in Georgian Social Media
    (Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2021-06) Toradze, Maia; Markariani, Liana
    The mankind has been battling fake news, misinformation and propaganda for years, however, this problem has become more threatening and persistent with the advancement of technologies. It is well-known, that spreading of any fake news needs a precondition – an event, which causes the intensity of its spread in a specific time. Recently, this precondition has become COVID-19 pandemic, about which an overabundance of information can be observed in traditional and new media. Thus, it is interesting and vital to research what place the fake news has held in information flow and what influence it has had on a society in a crisis. The significance of our research lies in the fact that it is conducted during the pandemic and examines the topics that are most often subjected to fraud. Scientific research about the origin of fake news and the consequences of its spread will help us share correct and verified information and aid the fight against fake news. The aim of this research is to demonstrate the causes and manipulators of the fake news, which was spread during COVID-19. Also to find out mainly what type of information is faked and what is the reason behind this (the ways of treating COVID-19, faked statistics, where the virus comes from, anti-vax movement, etc.). The study, in the future, will make a consequential contribution to combating misinformation and preventing its negative effects. In the research process, we observed the information about the corona virus published on the social media, particularly on Facebook, monitored the original sources of the information, separated the falsified information from the main information flow and identified the prime manipulators. The study was conducted over a one year period, from March 2020 to March 2021. On the first stage of the research, these hypotheses were developed: H1: During infodemic, the sharing of fake news and misleading of media users increases. H2: The information, which was spread on social media about COVID-19 is harmful and alarming, as it can have damaging influence on an individual‟s health. The research was based on the theory of Uses and Gratification. The following research questions were formed by the analysis of the theoretical framework: RQ1: What is the comparative share of Covid-19 information on the websites, that are regarded as original sources, during the infodemic? RQ2: What type of fake news was shared on social media about COVID-19? RQ3: Which specific manipulators are included in fake news about the spread of COVID-19? RQ4: What kind of responses and feedbacks does the fake news have (likes and shares)? RQ5: what were the impacts and results of the spread of fake news about COVID- 19? Quantitative and qualitative content analysis were used in the research, as well as a form of qualitative research - in-depth interviews conducted with media experts, psychologists and physicians. In this paper the fake news is structured by types and contents and the reasons for the origin of fake news and its influence on social media users is analyzed.
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    Perception of hate speech in the of freedom of speech context - Georgian media culture example
    (Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2021-06) Kuprashvili, Natia; Chalaganidze, Nino
    The hate speech, generally, considers expression of intolerance towards a definite group and very often such communication provokes a kind of violence. Stimulation of abhorrence refers to a group of persons determined on the basis of race, ethnical identity, nationality, gender, religion, sexual orientation, as a rule, it refers to minorities. However, all countries have their own unique contexts that complicate a vivid determination of so called “hate speech”. In some cases, all kinds of negative expressions being humiliating, insolent, slanderous or discriminative ones towards anybody are perceived by the community and/or separate groups as a hate speech. Unclearness of perceiving of the hate speech was demonstrated by discussions on media regulation of Georgia held in 2019 when the government expressed a desire, motivated by necessity of regulation of the hate speech, to change a system of media self-regulation existing in Georgia. Many initiatives were expressed and they were targeted to make the hate speech applied in media punitive and regulatory. The research is conducted using a qualitative methodology. We have analyzed a practice of self-regulation of the hate speech in Georgia within the year of 2019, and selected cases which were high-sounding in TV media outlets resulted in broad discussions and which had been discussed by the self-regulatory authorities. In addition to analyzing of the cases and observing of decisions made by the self- regulatory authorities, we have also used a method of profound interviews. As we have mentioned above, we have selected two high-sounding cases in the most interesting period of the research (2019). For both periods of the research it was an author text of the anchor man of the national broadcasting company “Rustavi 2”. The first case was considered personally by the self-regulation council of the Rustavi 2 as well as by the Georgian Charter of Journalistic Ethics. We have analyzed two different approaches applied by both self-regulatory councils. We received similar results of radically different interpretations of self-regulatory authorities as a result of conducting of deep interviews. Representatives of parties consider that the text expresses a hate speech towards Christians, but representatives of civil organizations and academic fields of universities do not consider that the text had been discriminative towards anybody. One of the explanations was as follows: “The given example is unlikely in compliance with a definition establishing the hate speech. It represents a subjective opinion of a definite journalist. I think that it does not collide with constitutional norms of freedom of speech, neither is considered as a humiliating act against religious feelings as the religious passage was devoted to discretion of a definite politics and not for the discrimination of this confession. Analyses of both examples demonstrated that understanding and perception of the term of hate speech are not clearly formed neither in a general society, nor in professional circles of Georgia. The hate speech is often put on the same level with the humiliating and indecent expressions. Approaches and explanations of media self-regulatory boards are quite different. The present research partially confirmed a hypothesis that stakeholders interpret the hate speech with a broad understanding which considers indecent and humiliating expressions. It was also completely confirmed that interpretation and regulation of the hate speech with a broad understanding in practice bears definite risks for freedom of medial in fragile democracies.
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    The Impact of Asymmetric War on Euro-Atlantic Security
    (Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2021-06) Maisaia, Vakhtang; Mikadze, Miranda
    In the 21st century, asymmetric warfare has become a pressing problem for global and international security. The superpowers and the largest alliances are trying in various ways to be ready for the challenges of asymmetric warfare, to anticipate future threats and to take preventive measures. One explanation is that asymmetric warfare is a war in which the military strength of the opposing parties and the tactics or strategies used by them are markedly different. Challenges and geopolitical changes in the modern world make the role and function of European and Euro-Atlantic structures important in world security. New forms of political and military cooperation have called for peace and stability in Europe. Because of this, NATO, through cooperation with former adversaries, has established new mechanisms for Euro-Atlantic security cooperation. The asymmetric threat poses a great challenge to a world that knows no bounds in the politics of both national and international law, peace and war, domestic and foreign policy. The purpose of our presentation is to examine the impact of asymmetric warfare on the European and Euro-Atlantic security systems in a conceptual framework. This requires a study of this issue, which will allow us to find out the nature of asymmetric warfare and its impact on European and Euro-Atlantic security. Security is especially relevant in the age of globalization, when the system of international relations is more vulnerable to the challenges of asymmetric threats such as terrorism, the creation and proliferation of nuclear weapons, weapons of mass destruction, hybrid warfare and cyberterrorism. There is an asymmetric threat formula: "Weakness dominates or wins over the strong." Despite the constant changes in the world, the European and Euro-Atlantic Alliance has been able to establish peace and stability in the world.
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    The Integration Problem of Ethnic Minorities in the Higher Education System of Georgia
    (Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2021-06) Elisashvili, Salome
    According to the multiple examples of the democratic multiethnic countries, it is important for Georgia to analyze the subject of the integration of ethnical minorities. In this case, the research will be concentrated on the integration of the ethnical minorities into the Georgian higher educational system, because this is one of the most important factors in terms of understanding to what extent the education environment is pluralistic what are the capabilities of the integration and adaptation of the ethnical minorities in it. Thus, the research of this question will give us an opportunity to analyze to what degree the modern changes and programs in education politics are regulated. For example, 1+4 program, which concentrates on ethnic minority‟s interests and needs and what is this program‟s obstacles, in overcoming which the ethnical minorities are struggling in order to attend and continue studying in higher educational facilities. At the same time, we must pay attention to the tendencies, which had an effect on the education politics course over time, especially in the Georgian context, because it is known as high priority to integrate the ethnical minorities in social, political and economic levels. Thus, this is exclusively political opportunity for making the new political environment, in which everyone would have an equal access to the various government services. That is why this questions are always causing so much interest in the public eye and it is necessary to find a solution, which is going to be innovative from the scientific perspective. Thus, the main goal of this research is to effectively analyze the 1+4 program - to learn and understand the environment before this program was implemented and to analyze the program during its decade of existing. Also, it is very important to analyze if this program provides the ethnical minorities the capabilities of integration in the higher educational system. At the same time, it is crucial to analyze the obstacles which were caused by the by the program‟s indulgence for the ethnic minorities. The main obstacle, however, remain the bad knowledge of the Georgian language in the ethnic minority‟s communities. The results we achieves with the help of the qualitative research method. The survey included the detailed interviews of the Kvemo Kartli and Samtskhe-Javakheti‟s ethnic minority‟s inhabitants, as well as secondary data‟s analysis. The research‟s assumption, that with the help of 1+4 program, the index of the ethnical minorities in the higher education facilities is increased, is partly proven, but at the same time it turns out that the knowing the Georgian language at the basic level is not sufficient for the students to perfectly adapt to the student and university life. Therefore, it should be make a tremendous amount of changes, which is going to solve the problem not only from the technical side, but it will make a precedent of substantive change the nowadays situation.
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    Identity, conservatism and political views of the Kvemo Kartli population
    (Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2021-06) Tughushi, Lasha; Kalatozishvili, Aleksandra; Gagua, Malkhaz
    The report reflects the results of a complex research of the attitudes of the population of Kvemo Kartli (excluding the city of Rustavi). It includes both a quantitative component - a survey of ethnic Azerbaijani and ethnic Georgians, as well as a qualitative part - focus group sessions, interviews, case studies, media analysis and content analysis. The research showed that the Georgian and Azerbaijani communities of the region differ significantly not only in terms of identity, but also in terms of issues related to values and political views. The ethnic Azerbaijani population of Kvemo Kartli is more connected to Azerbaijan and Turkey than to Georgia in terms of ethnic identity, language skills and information sources. Although both Georgian and Azerbaijani populations assess the economic situation of their own families, settlements, and the region as generally average, the dynamics between ethnic groups in the region need attention. The research showed that the identity of ethnic Azerbaijanis living in Kvemo Kartli is currently in a dynamic, fluid state, which is mainly related to the change or strengthening of their ethnic and religious self-identification. The latter refers to various aspects of religious life, which, compared to the Georgian community, has a more intense nature. At the same time, within the Azerbaijani community itself, there is a kind of competition between the two main denominations of Islam - Shiites and Sunnis. As it turned out, representatives of both (Shiite and Sunni) denominations are engaged in proselytizing, especially active are Shiite clerics, a significant portion of whom have been educated in the religious centers of Iran and enjoy the support of this country. Apart from the religious factor, the fluidity of the Azerbaijani community in Kvemo Kartli also has a serious ethnic component. The strengthening of the pan- Turkish identity is noticeable, which was given a special impetus by the Karabakh war of 2020. In addition to Azerbaijani and pan-Turkish self-identification, much of this community considers itself to be Borchalo and/or Qarapapakh. The share of Georgian identity in them is insignificant. The rate of fluidity in both religious and ethnic contexts is more evident in the younger generation. The research showed that the attitude and expectations of Azerbaijanis towards Georgians are more positive than vise versa. At the same time, Azerbaijanis perceive the rights of religious and ethnic minorities as less protected than the rights of other groups, and are more likely to feel unjustly restricted during the spread of the Covid 19. This is not surprising, since the Georgian population of Kvemo Kartli is less willing to accept the right of religious minorities to participate in religious rituals as legitimate and thinks that this hinders the unity of Georgians. The Azerbaijani community is more conservative in matters of child rearing and other issues related to family, more inclined on restricting individual liberty and adhering to traditional social norms. However, Georgians are much more conservative about the right of a aliens to buy real estate in Georgia. The Azerbaijani community of Kvemo Kartli is significantly detached from the Georgian context in the field of information and culture. Instead they prefer Azerbaijani, Turkish and even Russian media. However, in recent years there has been an augmentation of several local media outlets, which have started to occupy dominant positions in this community and are also disconnected from the Georgian context. At the same time, the views of the Azerbaijani community on foreign policy orientations show that their views differ from those of the Georgians in Kvemo Kartli, as well as from the majority of the Georgian population in general, and are definitely less pro-Western. The views of Azerbaijanis about enemy and friendly countries show that they think primarily on the basis of ethnic and religious identity and see little state perspective.
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    Impact of Nagorno Karabakh War over the Regional Powers
    (Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2021-06) Asanishvili, Phikria
    The second war in Karabakh known as six weeks war began in September 27, 2020 and ended in November 2020. However, its consequences and impact on regional processes have not lost their relevance to the present day, but attract regional and transregional scholars and politicians‟ increased attention. Everyone agrees that the Karabakh war has significantly changed the geopolitical status quo in the region, but what kind of impact would these changes have in the short- or long-term perspective on the region are hotly debated issues among scholars from the South Caucasus and outside. As soon as the war ended some experts regarded Russia as the winner in the conflict, while others pointed out that Turkey's influence had grown and Russia‟s had weakened. Still others suggested that the role of Turkey and Russia had equally increased, but Iran had actually lost the role of security architect in the region and its influence had been reduced to a minimum compared to Russia and Turkey. Major arguments in the political discourse about the regional players‟ losses and benefits in the post-war situation are the following: Russia has increased its military presence in the region, Turkey openly demonstrates its will towards the South Caucasus geopolitical influence after the break up of the USSR, while Iran‟s position is uncertain and its tools of influence are limited. Of course, all these points are relevant in the evaluation of temporary situation in the region: Even before the second Karabakh war Russia had three military bases in the region: the 102nd military base in Gyumri in western Armenia and two bases in Russian-backed breakaway regions of Georgia: the 4th in South Ossetia and the 7th in Abkhazia. These bases are combined-arms brigade-size units, which, in theory, jointly constitute the core of army corps. Following the 9 November deal, Russia now also has peacekeepers on the ground in Nagorno- Karabakh, something it has sought since 1994. In fact, Russia has not had a military presence in Azerbaijan since the closure of the Soviet-era Gabala radar station in 2012. Now Russia has more opportunities to impact Azerbaijan‟s domestic politics as Moscow does in Georgia after the occupation of Abkhazia and Tskhinvali region. But whether Russia‟s position towards Azerbaijan is similar to the Georgian case is questionable and needs in-depth analysis. Turkey really played a crucial role in the recent war. Although Turkey always supported Azerbaijan‟s territorial integrity and demonstrated its sympathy toward brotherly state, this war showed that Ankara‟s support is not only verbal but might be more significant. Ankara‟s huge contribution Azerbaijan‟s military capacity building is a good evidence of this. Turkey‟s army-building capacity was clearly one of the leading factors contributing to Azerbaijan‟s victory in the second Nagorno-Karabakh war and the most important difference between the conflict of 2020 and the first Nagorno-Karabakh war. While the first conflict was between two armies with the Soviet military legacy, the second took place between outdated equipped army versus a modern army responding to the Western standards. No doubt, well trained Azerbaijani military forces represent a challenge to the Russian military power in the region but it is still questionable how far the competition between Turkey and Russia for their influence in the South Caucasus region can go and whether Ankara has a real chance to change the geopolitical status quo created in the region after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. At the first glance, Iran‟s position towards the second Karabakh war was inactive. Tehran seems to have joined the “losers club”, along with Armenia, in the newly formed geopolitical balance as it failed to take proactive role between rival parts and as a result Tehran lost tools of influence over neighboring Caucasian republics. However, a detailed study of Iran‟s position in the post-war geopolitical situation is needed. Why did Iran take a neutral position in this conflict and how is Tehran going to manage its relations with Yerevan, Baku, Ankara and Moscow? The aim of this article is to describe regional powers‟ involvement in the conflict and analyze the achievements and losses encountered by Russia, Turkey and Iran as a result of the Karabakh war.
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    “The Platform of Six” - A New Model of Cooperation for the South Caucasus
    (Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2021-06) Manchkhashvili, Maia
    The study of Turkey's foreign policy orientation reveals that the South Caucasus is one of the most important foreign policy priorities for Turkey. This interest has been considered by many reasons. Turkey has been trying intensively to be more represented in the countries of the South Caucasus region for years and has offered a number of interesting models of cooperation to the countries of this region. The incumbent President of the country - Recep T. Erdogan had the initiatives of "Caucasus Security Platform" and "Football Diplomacy". Both were initiated in 2008. The third / new model of cooperation was announced by him at the end of 2020, in particular, on December 10, during his official visit to Baku, and it is known as "The Platform of Six". The new model envisages the development of cooperation between the six countries of the South Caucasus region - Turkey, Iran, Russia, Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia. The president of Turkey did not talk about the details of the platform and the opportunities for cooperation, which means that as one of the previous platforms, this one is only the proposal and no details have been processed. The implementation of this platform, if it happens, will completely change the geopolitical landscape in the South Caucasus region: if cooperation on this format is successful, we will have a reality when Georgia's foreign policy choice towards the EU faces a big challenge, if not rejected at all. For Russia, the realization of this platform will be equal to success, but if we look at the volume of economic sanctions on Russia, this victory will cost him dearly. This will be the success that Russia needs to "maintain its image." Azerbaijan is fully prepared to cooperate in any format initiated by Turkey. The European way is not a priority for Azerbaijan to exchange Turkish support for defending this foreign policy choice. Iran's involvement in this platform is one of the most interesting issues, because if we recall the processes of preparation of previous platforms (and not only platforms), we will see that Turkey always avoids introducing Iran in regional cooperation formats, but at the same time the volume of bilateral cooperation has increased significantly in recent years. Iran is not active in joining such formats either, although its interest in the South Caucasus region is quite actual. As for the issue of Armenia, despite numerous unsuccessful attempts to restore diplomatic relations with it, the failure to normalize these relations remains a foreign policy challenge for Turkey. The disruption of diplomatic relations with Armenia in its time was a mistake of Turkish diplomacy, and as time goes on, this issue becomes so complex that at first glance there are not even opportunities to resolve it. We think that this platform will not be realized, despite the fact that political actors such as Russia and Turkey are interested in this cooperation. Among the obstacles, we must first mention the resistance of the countries of the region: Iran and Armenia are opposed to cooperation in this format. Georgia has not yet expressed an explicitly negative or positive position. We also think that the new U.S. administration, under the leadership of President J. Biden, will not allow Russia and Turkey to strengthen their power in the region. Moreover, due to inconsistent policies, Turkey has complicated relations with the United States and US support towards Turkey is not unconditional.
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    Recep Tayyip Erdogan - The role of a leader in the political process
    (Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2021-06) Tsurtsumia, Aleksandre
    Turkey is one of the most important links between Europe and Asia. Political changes and special activism in the ongoing processes in the Middle East region are linked to the name of Recep Tayyip Erdogan. The leader of the Equality and Development Party has been at the helm of Turkey for 20 years. His activity as the country's undisputed leader has led to significant changes in both the country's domestic and foreign policies. Amid growing domestic and foreign challenges, Recep Tayyip Erdogan has consistently and arguably purposefully changed Turkey‟s political system. In 2007, at Erdogan's initiative, the first major amendment to the Turkish constitution was made. If, after 1982, the head of state was elected president by the Grand National Assembly, in a 2007 referendum, the president would still be in office after the general election. However, Recep Tayyip Erdogan did not rush to the presidency and this post was occupied by his fellow party member Abdullah Ful. Recep Tayyip Erdogan has skillfully taken advantage of internal and external challenges to enhance his role as a leader. For President Recep Tayyip Erdo .an, who became president in 2014, he became a favorable factor, as was the Syrian conflict, which began in 2012, in order to form Turkey as a regional leader. It also facilitated the formation of Erdogan, the current undisputed leader, in a 2016 coup attempt against him. As a result of the 2017 referendum, Turkey became a super- presidential republic. The victory in 2018 will extend Recep Tayyip Erdogan's stay in power in Turkey until at least 2023, with the right to vote a second time. Tutskheba. It's should also be noted that the 2019 Turkish local elections clearly showed a decline in the popularity and rating of Erdogan and his party, especially the defeat in the Istanbul mayoral election. In addition to the Syrian conflict, the role of Turkey as a regional leader and accountable force became clear during the Karabag conflict. It is difficult to predict how effectively Erdogan (Turkey) will be able to maneuver for a long time without a strong partner in various regional conflicts (Syria, Libya, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, etc.). However, international practice shows that once a strong political leader takes over the country's political system, after leaving his politics, chaos and unmanageable processes often begin in the state.
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    Political leadership in post soviet countries
    (Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi state university, Faculty of social and political sciences, 2021-06) Abzianidze, Akaki; Tukvadze, Avtandil
    Based on the theories (of personality traits‟, situational, followers‟, psychological) related to the emergence of political leadership, on the basis of comparative and qualitative methods, the characteristics of political leadership have been studied in the post-Soviet era. A leader uses the situation, relies upon the followers, and, in most cases, the great leaders awarded with charisma are characterized by a whole range of psychological features, but in all cases the determining role is played by the qualities of a leader, the majority of which are inherited. In our opinion, the argument provided by researchers that regular mortals may be gifted with the traits of a leader, is not convincing in disproving “the theory of traits ” due to two reasons: first, a leader is a human being, a social creature (human is a political being and separately, as a self-sufficient entity, it is either a beast or a god – Aristotle) and naturally they possess human features; second, a leader has to be characterized by a high degree (dosage) of distinguishing attributes and, most importantly, they are the main force in the process of striving towards the governance and all the other actions subordinate to them. This judgement is concerning the great leaders distinguished in the history of humankind, the actions of whom have changed the vector of the history development, and there are no leaders with such skills and capacity on the post-Soviet political stage yet. The hypothesis of the topic to be researched is as follows: the traits of leadership in the political arena of post-Soviet countries are determined by the dominance of the subject political culture, heavy social-economic background, the specifics of a national-psychological and mental development of a given nation, foreign policy orientations. Each of the above-mentioned variables influence the process of selecting leaders in different degrees (for example: in the reality of Georgia the foreign policy orientation is a significant condition to the position of a leader in the government, because the key of country‟s independence lies outside the country and the inclination towards “looking up to the foreign/a foreigner” is relevant to Georgian mentality and the mindset of electorate, while in Russia a leader is mainly characterized and inspired by the Russian geo-political interests, orthodox-messiah ideas and mainly has to support the national idea consolidating the “Great Russian chauvinism” and Russian “Sovereign Democracy”, but in all settings the determining factor is the excessiveness of the subordinate political orientations (except for the Baltic countries) in the presence of which, according to Almond and Verba‟s concept of political culture, the majority of citizens expect the desirable actions from the leader – the savior of the country and the state; all of this, in the environment of poor economic development and weak institutions, consequently leads to excessive number of populist, authoritative leaders in national governments.